lying in wait at the Path of Dron.[1080] In the mean time the Earle of Murray was in Lochlevin, and the Earle of Argyle with him. Now in the Callender[1081] the Lord Levingston had desired the Queen’s Majestie to be witnesse to the christning of a child; for his Lady was lately delivered and brought to bed: And when the Minister made the sermon and exhortation concerning baptisme, the Queen’s Majestie came in the end, and said to the Lord Levingston, “That she would shew him that favour that she had not done to any other before;” that is, that she would give her presence to the Protestant sermon, which was reckoned a great matter.
[1080] Dron, the name of a small parish in Perthshire, at the foot of the Ochil hills.
[1081] Callender, near Falkirk, the seat of William fifth Lord Livingstone of Callender, in the shire of Stirling.
The Queen being in the Callender, was informed both by word and letters by false brethren, That a great part of the Protestants of Edinburgh had lately convened upon Saint Leonard’s Craigs, and there made a conspiration against her; and had chosen for the same purpose certain Captains to governe the rest: And without any tryall, or perfect notice taken in the case, she sent to the Provest and Bayliffs of Edinburgh, commanding them to take and apprehend Alexander Guthrie, Alexander Clerke, Gilbert Lawder, and Andrew Sclater, and put them in prison in the Castle.[1082] [1082] On the 10th July 1565, a messenger was sent “within Edinburgh, to Summond Alexander Guthrie, Alexander Clerk, Gilbert Lauder, and Andro Sklater, burgesses of the said burgh, to compeir before the Justice and his deputis in the Tolbuith of Edinburgh, on the 26th July,” &c. (Treasurer’s Accounts.) The office of Town-Clerk being held by Guthrie, was disposed of at this time to David Chalmers of Ormond, who, in January preceeding, had been appointed one of the Lords of Session. He was an adherent of Bothwell, and was openly accused as having been accessary to the murder of Darnley, but was never brought to trial.
This new and unaccustomed fashion of proceeding seemed to be very strange: And because the said four persons were not apprehended, she sent the next day a charge to the Provest and Bayliffs, and to her owne great Treasurer, to passe to the houses of the said foure men, and likewise to their booths or shops, and there to take inventory of all their goods and chattells; and commanded the said Treasurer to take the keyes of the said houses and booths, together with the said inventory; which was executed in effect, especially upon the said Alexander Guthrie his wife, he being then common Clerke, and one of the greatest in estimation within the towne: his wife and children were shut out of their house, and compelled to seek some other lodging in the town.
By this manner of proceeding, the hearts of all men of spirit and judgement were wonderfully abashed and wounded, seeing and perceiving these things so furiously handled upon sinister and wrong information, men never called to their answer, nor heard, nor any triall taken therein. Immediately thereafter, as she came to Edinburgh, she called to counsell such as pleased her Majestie, and there complains of the said matter, alleadging it to be a conspiracy and manifest treason. And another matter likewise was complained upon, that the Earle of Argile (as the Queen was surely informed,) was riding with a great army to invade the Earle of Athole and his lands. For the first matter it was concluded by the Councell, that diligent inquisition should be made in the matter, and to that purpose appointed the Queen’s Advocates, Master John Spence of Condie,[1083] and Master Robert Crichton, to examine such as they would; and when the said Advocates had called before them, and examined a sufficient number, and their depositions subscribed and delivered to the Queen, there was nothing found worthy of death nor treason: At length the said four persons were summoned to answer at law.
[1083] Spens of Condie (see page 101,) had been appointed joint Advocate with Henry Lauder, 21st October 1555. On the 8th February 1560, Robert Crichton of Elliock was conjoined with Spens in place of Lauder. Crichton died in June 1581. He was the father of James, “the Admirable Crichton.” See Tytler’s Life of Crichton, and Senators of the College of Justice, p. 176.
For the [other] matter, That the Queen’s Majestie should send to the Earles of Argyle and Athole some of her Councell or familiar servants to take order touching it.[1084] And when the Secretary, the Justice Clarke, and Lord of Saint Colme[1085] had past to the said Earl of Argyle, they found no such thing; but in Athole there was great fear come of a sudden fray; for after many proclamations, the Fire-crosse (which they made use of in lieu of beacons) was raised in Athole. [1084] On the 6th July 1565, £8, 10s. was paid “to Johne Paterson, Snawdon herald, and John Brand, messinger, passand of Edinburgh with letters of the Quenis Grace, to charge Archibald Erle of Argile and Johne Earle of Athole, to desist and ceiss fra ony convocation of our Souerane Ladeis liegis; being in cumpany with William Maitland, Secretar, and Sir Johne Bellenden, thair Hienes Justice Clerk.” [1085] James Stewart, Commendator of St. Colme: see page 88, note 7. Now as the day of Parliament approached, the Lords pretending to consult before what should be done, as well in Religion, as for the Commonwealth, the fifteenth day of July there convened at Sterlin the Duke, the Earles of Argyle, and Murray, Rothes, and other Lords and Barons; and as they were devising and consulting, the Queen’s Majesty taking their meeting in evill part, sent her Advocates, Master John Spence and Master [Robert] Crichton, to them at Sterlin, requiring the cause of their meeting. They answered, That the speciall occasion of their meeting was for the cause of Religion and the assurance thereof, according as they had lately written to the Queen’s Majesty in Seaton from the town of Edinburgh, they desiring then to prorogate the day. Finally, when the said Advocates could by no means perswade them to come to Edinburgh, they returned again to Edinburgh, and declared to the Queen’s Majestie according as they had found.
In the mean time the Parliament was prorogated at the Queen’s Majesties command to the first of September next after following; for it was thought, that the least part and principall of the chief Nobility being absent, there could no Parliament be holden: at the same time the Queen’s Majestie perceiving that the matter was already come to a maturity and ripenesse, so that the minds and secrecy of men’s hearts must needs be disclosed, she wrote to a great number of Lords, Barons, Gentlemen, and others that were nearest in Fife, Angus, Lowthian, Mers, Tevidale, Perth, Lithgow, Clidsdall, and others to resort to her, in this form of words hereafter following:— The Queen’s Letter. “TRUST FRIEND, We greet you well: We are grieved indeed by the evill bruite spread amongst our lieges, as that we should have molested any man in the using of his Religion and conscience freely, a thing which never entred into our minde; yet since we perceive the too easie beleeving such reports hath made them carelesse, and so we think it becomes us to be carefull for the safety and preservation of our State; wherefore we pray you most affectionately, that with all possible haste, (after the receipt of this our Letter,) you with your kindred, friends, and whole force, well furnished with armes for warre, be provided for, fifteen dayes after your coming, addresse you to come to us, to write and attend upon us, according to our expectation and trust in you, as you will thereby declare the good affection you bear to the maintenance of our authoritie, and will do us therein acceptable service.
Subscribed with Our hand at Edinburgh, the seventeenth day of July, 1565.”
There was likewise Proclamation made in Edinburgh, That the Queen minded not to trouble nor alter the Religion; and also Proclamations made in the Shires above mentioned, for the same purpose, That all freeholders and other gentlemen should resort, (in the aforesaid manner,) to Edinburgh, where the Earl of Rosse was made Duke of Rothesay, with great triumph, the 23rd day of July. The same afternoon the Queen complained grievously upon the Earl of Murray, in open audience of all the Lords and Barons; and the same day the bans of the Earl of Rosse and Duke of Rothesay and the Queen’s marriage were proclaimed. About this time the Lord Arskin was made Earl of Marre. In the mean time there were divers messages sent from the Queen’s Majestie to the Lord of Murray, first, Master Robert Crichton, to perswade him by all means possible to come and resort to the Queen’s Majestie: His answer was, That he would be glad to come to her self, according to his bounden duty; yet for as much as such persons as were most privie in her company were his capitall enemies, who also had conspired his death, he could no wayes come so long as they were in Court.
Soon after my Lord Erskin, and the Master Maxwell, past to him to St. Andrews, rather suffered and permitted by the Queen, then sent by her Highness; after them the Laird of Dun, who was sent by the means of the Earl of Mar; but all this did not prevail with him; and when all hope of his coming was past, an herald was sent to him, charging him to come to the Queen’s Majesty, and answer to such things as should be laid to his charge, within eight and fourty hours next after the charge, under pain of rebellion; and because he appeared not the next day after the eight and fourty hours, he was denounced rebell, and put to the horne. The same order they used against the Earl of Argyle; for the Queen said she would serve him and the rest with the same measure they had mete to others, meaning the said Argyle.
In the mean while, as the fire was well kindled and enflamed, all means and ways were sought to stir up enemies against the chief Protestants that had been lately at Sterlin; for the Earl of Athole was ready bent against the Earl of Argyle: the Lord Lindesay against the Earl Rothesse in Fyfe, they both being Protestants; for they had contended now a long time for the heir ship of Fyfe: And that no such thing should be left undone, the Lord Gordon,[1086] who now had remained neer three yeers in prison in Dumbar, was, after some little travell of his friends, received by the Queen; and being thus received into favour, was restored first to the Lordship of Gordon, and soon after to the Erldom of Huntley, and to all his lands, honours, and dignities, that he might be a bar and a party in the North to the Earl of Murray.
[1086] George Lord Gordon fifth Earl of Huntley: see page 360, note 1. His restoration to his forfeited titles was proclaimed at the Cross of Edinburgh, on the 26th August 1565 (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 810) [Sidenote: The Dispensation being come from Rome for the Marriage: Before which, according to the Romish law, it was unlawful to marry, being Cousin-Germans, brother and sister’s children, and so the degree of consanguinity forbidden.]
The 28. of July,[1087] late in the evening, neer an hour after the sun’s going down, there was a Proclamation made at the Market-Cross of Edinburgh, containing in effect: “THAT forasmuch as at the will and pleasure of Almighty God, the Queen had taken to her husband a right excellent illustrious Prince, Harry Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Rosse, Lord Darnley, Therefore it was her will, that he should be holden and obeyed, and reverenced as King: Commanding all letters and proclamations to be made in the names of Henry and Mary in times coming.”
[1087] In both edit. 1611, “The 18,” an error for the 28th of July. The next day following, at six hours in the morning, they were married[1088] in the Chappell Royall of Halyrud-House, by the Dean of Restalrig; the Queen being all clothed in mourning: But immediately, as the Queen went to Masse, the King not with her, but to his pastime. During the space of three or four days, there was nothing but balling, and dancing, and banquetting.
[1088] On Sunday, the 29th July 1565, “the said Henrie King, and Marie Quene of Scottis, wes marijt in the Chapel o f Halyrudhous, at sex houris in the mornyng, be Mr. Johne Sinclare, Deane of Restalrig, wilh greit magnificence, accompanyit with the haill Nobilitie of this Realme.” (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 80.)] In the mean time, the Earl Rothesse, the Laird of Grange, the Tutor of Pitcur, with some gentlemen of Fyfe, were put to the horne, for non-appearance; and immediately the swash, tabron, and drums were stricken or beaten, for men of war to serve the King and Queen’s Majestie, and to take their pay. This sudden alteration and hasty creation of Kings, moved the hearts of a great number.
Now, amongst the people there were divers bruits; for some alleadged, That the cause of this alteration was not for Religion, but rather for hatred, envie of sudden promotion or dignity, or such worldly causes: But they that considered the progress of the matter, according as is heretofore declared, thought the principall cause to be only for Religion.
In this mean time, the Lords past to Argyle, taking, apparently, little care of the trouble that was to come: Howbeit they sent into England Master Nicolas Elphinston for support, who brought some moneys in this countrey, to the sum of ten thousand pounds sterlin. There came one forth of England to the Queen, who got presence the seventh of August in Halyrud-House. He was not well, &c.[1089] [1089] In both edit. 1611, the paragraph ends in this abrupt manner. The addition of the word “received” might supply the “&c.,” as it refers to a message from England, which was sent by John Tamworth; but not being duly accredited, in order to avoid acknowledging Darnley as King, he consequently “was not well received.” See Keith’s History, vol. ii. p. 351.
[Sidenote: Note this for our time.]
About the fifteenth of August, the Lords met at Aire, to wit, the Duke of Hamilton, the Earls Argyle, Murray, Glencarne, Rothesse, the Lord Boyd and Ochiltrie, with divers Barons and Gentlemen of Fyfe and Kyle, where they concluded to be in readiness with their whole forces the four and twentieth day of August. But the King and Queen with great celerity prevented them; for their Majesties sent thorow Lowthian, Fife, Angus, Strathern, Tividaile, and Cliddisdaile, and other shires, making their Proclamations in this manner, “That forasmuch as certain Rebels, who, (under colour of Religion,) intended nothing but the trouble and subversion of the Commonwealth, were to convene with such as they might perswade to assist them; therefore they charged all manner of men, under pain of life, lands, and goods, to resort and meet their Majesties at Linlithgow, the 24. day of August.”
[Sidenote: The King, to make himself more popular, and to take from the Lords of the Congregation the pretext of Religion, he went to the Kirk to hear John Knox preach.]
This Proclamation was made in Lowthian the third day of the said month. Upon Sunday, the nineteenth of August,[1090] the King came to the High Kirk of Edinburgh, where John Knox made the Sermon: his text was taken out of the six and twentieth chapter of Esayas his Prophesie, about the thirteenth verse, where, in the words of the Prophet, he said, “O Lord our God, other lords then thou have ruled over us.” Whereupon he took occasion to speak of the government of wicked Princes, who, for the sins of the people, are sent as tyrants and scourges to plague them: And amongst other things, he said, “That God sets in that room, (for the offences and ingratitude of the people,) boys and women.” And some other words which appeared bitter in the King’s ears, as, “That God justly punished Ahab and his posterity, because he would not take order with that harlot Jezabel.” And because he had tarried an hour and more longer than the time appointed, the King, (sitting in a throne made for that purpose,) was so moved at this Sermon, that he would not dine; and being troubled, with great fury he past in the afternoon to the hawking.
[1090] “Upoun the xix day of August, the King cam to Sanctgelis Kirk to the preitching, and Johne Knox preachit; quhairat he was crabbit, and causit discharge the said Johne of his preitching.” (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 81.) The Sermon was afterwards published by Knox, in order, as he says, “to let such as Satan hes not altogether blinded, see upon how small occasions great offence is now conceived.”
Immediately John Knox was commanded to come to the Councell, where, in the Secretaries chamber, were convened the Earl of Athole, the Lord Ruthven, the Secretary, the Justice Clark, with the Advocate. There passed along with the Minister a great number of the most apparent men of the Towne. When he was called, the Secretary declared, “That the King’s Majestie was offended with some words spoken in the Sermon, (especially such as are above rehearsed,) desiring him to abstain from preaching for fifteen or twenty days, and let Master Craig supply the place.”
[Sidenote: In answering he said more than he had preached, for he added, That as the King had (to pleasure the Queen) gone to Masse, and dishonoured the Lord God, so should God in his justice make her an instrument of his ruin; and so it fell out in a very short time; but the Queen being incensed with these words, fell out in tears, and to please her, John Knox must abstain from preaching for a time.]
He answered, “That he had spoken nothing but according to his text; and if the Church would command him either to speak or abstain, he would obey, so far as the Word of God would permit him.”
Within four days after, the King and Queen sent to the Councell of Edinburgh, commanding them to depose Archibald Douglas,[1091] and to receive the Laird [of] Craigmiller for their Provest, which was presently obeyed.
[1091] On the 23d August 1565, the Queen commanded the “Baillies and Counsell of Edinburgh to depois and displace (Archibald Douglas of Kilspindie) the present Provest of oure said Burgh, and in his place that you elect, ressave, and admit our lovit Symon Preston of that Ilk, as Provest thairof.” See the Queen’s Letter in Maitland’s Hist. of Edinb., p. 26.
The five and twentieth of August, the King and Queen’s Majesties past from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, and from thence to Sterlin, and from Sterlin to Glasgow. At their [first] arrival their whole people were not come. The next day after their arrivall to Glasgow, the Lords came to Paisley, where they remained that night, being in company about one thousand horses. On the morrow they came to Hamilton, keeping the high passage from Paisley hard by Glasgow, where the King and Queen easily might behold them. The night following, which was the penult of August, they remained in Hamilton with their company; but for divers respects moving them, they thought it not expedient to tarry; especially, because the Earl of Argyle was not come: for his diet was not afore the second of September following, to have been at Hamilton. Finally, They took purpose to come to Edinburgh, the which they did the next day.[1092] And albeit Alexander Areskin,[1093] Captain under the Lord his brother, caused to shoot forth of the Castle two shot of cannon, they being near the town; and likewise that the Laird [of] Craigmiller, Provest, did his endeavour to hold the Lords forth of the town, in causing the common bells to be rung, for the convening of the town to the effect aforesaid; yet they entred easily at the West-Port or Gate, without any molestation or impediment, being in number, as they esteemed themselves, one thousand three hundred horses.
Immediately they dispatched messengers southward and northward to assist them; but all in vain: And immediately after they were in their lodgings, they caused to strike or beat the drum, desiring all such men as would receive wages for the defence of the glory of God, that they should resort the day following to the Church, where they should receive good pay: But they profited little that way; neither could they in Edinburgh get any comfort or support, for none or few resorted unto them; yet, they got more rest and sleep when they were at Edinburgh then they had done in five or six nights before.
[1092] The 31st of August.
[1093] In the Edinburgh edit. 1644, the name is changed to “Ærskin.” Alexander Erskine of Gogar, was the younger brother of John Lord Erskin, and was afterwards knighted. His grandson was created Earl of Kellie in 1619.
The Noblemen of this company were, the Duke, the Earls Murray, Glencarne, and Rothesse; the Lords Boyd and Uchiltrie; the Lairds of Grange, Cunninghamhead, Balcomie, and Lawers; the Tutor of Pitcur; the Lairds of Barr, Carnell,[1094] and Dreghorn; and the Laird of Pittarow, Comptroller, went with them. Some said merrily, That they were come to keep the Parliament; for the Parliament was continued till the first day of September: Upon the which day they wrote to the King and Queen’s Majesties a letter, containing in effect, That albeit they were persecuted most unjustly, which they understood proceeded not of the King and Queen’s Majesties own nature, but only by evil counsell, yet notwithstanding they were willing and content to suffer according to the laws of the Realme, providing that the true Religion of God might be established, and the dependants thereupon be likewise reformed: beseeching their Majesties most humbly to grant these things; but otherwise, if their enemies would seek their blood, they should understand it should be dear bought. They had written twice, almost to the same effect, to the King and Queen’s Majesties, after their passing from Edinburgh; for the Laird of Preston presented a letter to the King and Queen’s Majestie, and was therefore imprisoned, but soon after released; nevertheless they got no answer.
[1094] In both edit. 1644, “Carmell.”
The same day that they departed out of Hamilton, the King and Queen’s Majesties issued out of Glasgow in the morning betimes, and passing towards Hamilton, the army met their Majesties near the Bridge of Cadder. As they mustered, the Master of Maxwell sat down upon his knees, and made a long oration to the Queen, declaring what pleasure she had done to them, and ever laid the whole burden upon the Earl Murray. Soon after, they marched forward in battell array: The Earl of Lenox took the vanguard, the Earl of Mortoun the middle battell, and the King and Queen the rear: The whole number were about five thousand men, whereof the greatest part were in the vanguard.
As the King and Queen’s Majesties were within three miles of Hamilton, they were advertised that the Lords were departed in the morning; but where they pretended to be that night, it was uncertain. Always, soon after their return to Glasgow, the King and Queen were certainly advertised that they were past to Edinburgh; and therefore caused immediately to warn the whole army to pass with them to Edinburgh the next day, who, early in the morning, long before the sun was risen, began to march: But there arose such a vehement tempest of wind and rain from the west, as the like had not been seen before in a long time; so that a little brook turned incontinent into a great river; and the raging storm being in their face,[1095] with great difficulty went they forward: And albeit the most part waxed weary, yet the Queen’s courage encreased man-like so much, that she was ever with the foremost. There was divers persons drowned that day in the water of Carron; and amongst others, the King’s master, a notable Papist, who, for the zeal he bare to the Masse, carried about his neck a round god of bread, well closed in a case, which always could not serve [save] him.
[1095] It is an obvious mistake to say that “the raging storm from the west” was “in the face” of the army marching from Hamilton to Edinburgh.
Before the end of August, there came a post to the Queen’s Majestie, sent by Alexander Areskin, who declared, That the Lords were in the town of Edinburgh, where there was a multitude of innocent persons, and therefore desired to know if he should shoot. She commanded incontinent, that he should return again to the said Alexander, and command him, in her name, That he should shoot so long as he had either powder or bullet, and not spare for any body.
At night, the King and Queen came well wet to the Callender, where they remained that night. And about eight hours at night, the first of September, the post came again to the Castle, and reported the Queen’s command to Alexander Areskin, who incontinently caused to shoot six or seven shot of cannon, whereof the marks appeared, having respect to no reason, but only to the Queen’s command.
The Lords perceiving that they could get no support in Edinburgh, nor souldiers for money, albeit they had travelled all that they could; and being advertised of the Queen’s returning with her whole company, they took purpose to depart. And so the next day betimes, long before day, they departed with their whole company, and came to Laurik,[1096] and from thence to Hamilton, where the Master of Maxwell came to them, with his uncle, the Laird of Dumlanrick. And after consultation, the said Master wrote to the Queen’s Majestie, that being required by the Lords as he was passing homeward, he could not refuse to come to them; and after that he had given them counsell to disperse their army, they thought it expedient to pass to Dumfreis to repose them, where they would consult and make their offers,[1097] and send to their Majesties; and thus beseeching their Majesties to take this in good part. The town of Edinburgh sent two of the Councell of the town to make their excuse.
[1096] According to the Diurnal of Occorents, “the Lordis” departed from Edinburgh “at 12 hours at evin or thairby,” of the 1st September 1565, and rode first to Lanark, and thence to Dumfries. (p. 82.) [1097] In both editions 1644, misprinted “officers.”
The next day the King and Queen past to Sterlin, and sent to Edinburgh, and caused a Proclamation to be made, commanding all men to return to Glasgow, where, having remained three or four days, and understanding that the Lords were past to Dumfries, they returned to Sterlin, and from thence to Fyfe; and in their passage, caused to take in Castle Campbell, which was delivered without impediment to the Lord of Sanquhar.
Before the King and Queen went out of Sterlin, there came from Edinburgh two ensignes of footmen, to convey them into Fyfe. In the meantime, the Burroughs were taxed in great sums unaccustomed, for the payment of the souldiers: Farther, there was raised divers troops of horsemen, to the number of five or six hundred horse. The souldiers had taken two poor men that had received the Lords wages; which two men being accused and convinced of, at the Queen’s command, were hanged at Edinburgh, the third day after the Lords departing. At this time, Master James Balfour, Parson of Flesk,[1098] had gotten all the guiding in the Court.
[1098] Balfour took his seat on the Bench, 12th November 1561, as “Parson of Flisk.” He was knighted in 1566, and is best known by his subsequent title, Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich.
The third day after the Queen’s coming to Fyfe, the whole Barons and Lairds of Fyfe convoyed her Majestie, till she came to Saint Andrews, where the said Lairds and Barons, especially the Protestants, were commanded to subscribe to a Band, containing in effect, That they obliged themselves to defend the King and Queen’s persons, against Englishmen and rebells: and in case they should come to Fyfe, they should resist them to their utmost power; which charge every man obeyed.
The second night after the Queen’s coming to Saint Andrews, she sent a band, or troop of horsemen, and another of foot, to Lundie, and at midnight took out the Laird, being a man of eighty years old; then they past to Fawside, and took likewise Thomas Scot, and brought him to Saint Andrews; where they, with the Laird of Bavard,[1099] and some others, were commanded to prison. This manner of handling and usage being onkend and strange, were heavily spoken of, and a great terrour to others, who thought themselves warned of greater severity to come. [1099] The persons here mentioned were, Walter Lundie of Lundie, Thomas Scot of Hanyng, and Andrew Murray of Balvaird.
In the meantime the houses of the Earls of Murray, Rothesse, and the houses of divers gentlemen, were given in keeping to such as the Queen pleased, after that their children and servants had been cast out. At the same time the Duke, the Earls of Glencairn and Argyle, the Lords Boyd and Uchiltrie, with the Laird of Cunninghamhead, and the rest, were charged to come and present themselves in Saint Andrews, before the King and Queen’s Majesties, to answer to such things as should be laid to their charge, within six days, under the pain of rebellion: And the day being expired, and they not appearing, were denounced rebells, and put to the horn.
As the Queen remained in Saint Andrews, the inhabitants of Dundie, being sore afraid, because of some evil report made of them to the Queen, as if they had troubled the Queen, in seeking men of war, and suffered some to be raised in their town for the Lords; for there was nothing done in Dundie, but it was revealed to the Queen; especially that the Minister[1100] had received a letter from the Lords, and delivered the same to the Brethren, perswading them to assist the Lords; which being granted by the Minister, the Queen remitted it [for trial.] After great travell and supplication made by some Noblemen, at length, the King and Queen being in the town, they agreed for two thousand marks, five or six of the principall left out, with some others, that were put to their shift. After the King and Queen had remained two nights in the town of Dundie, they came to Saint Andrews;[1101] and soon after they came over Forth, and so to Edinburgh. During this time the Master of Maxwell wrote to the King and Queen, making offers for, and in the name of the Lords.
[1100] William Christison was minister of Dundee.
[1101] On the 13th and 14th September. The Queen returned to Edinburgh on the 19th, not by the way of St. Andrews, as here stated, but by Perth, Dunfermline, and the Queensferry. (Chalmers’s Life of Mary, vol. i. p. 219.)
The next day after the King and Queen’s coming to Edinburgh, there was a Proclamation made at the Market Cross: And because the same is very notable, I thought good to insert it here word by word, albeit it be somewhat long.
“HENRY and MARY, by the Grace of God, King and Queen of Scots; To all and sundry, our Lieges and Subjects whom it may concern, and to whose knowledge these letters shall come, greeting.
[Sidenote: Note how this agrees with our times.]
[Sidenote: Let this be conferred with our times.]
[Sidenote: Note diligently.]
“Forasmuch as in this uproar lately raised up against us, by certain rebels and their assistants, the authors thereof, (to blind the eyes of the simple people,) have given them to understand, that the quarrell they have in hand is only Religion, thinking with that cloke to cover their ungodly designs, and so, under that plausible argument, to draw after them a large train of ignorant persons, easy to be seduced. Now, for the preservation of our good subjects, whose case were to be pitied, if they blindly should suffer themselves to be induced and trapped in so dangerous a snare, it hath pleased the goodness of God, by the utterance of their own mouths and writings to us, to discover the poison that before lay hid in their hearts, albeit to all persons of clear judgment the same was evident enough before: For what other thing[1102] might move the principal raisers of this tumult to put themselves in arms against us so unnaturally, upon whom We had bestowed so many benefits; but that the great honour We did them, they being thereof unworthy, made them misknow themselves; and their ambition could not be satisfied with heaping riches upon riches, and honour upon honour, unless they retain in their hands us and our whole Realme, to be led, used, and disposed at their pleasure. But this could not the multitude have perceived, if God, (for disclosing their hypocrisy,) had not compelled them to utter their unreasonable desire to govern; for now by letters, sent from themselves to us, which make plain profession, that the establishing of Religion will not content them, but We must be forced to govern by Councell, such as it shall please them to appoint us; a thing so farre beyond all measure, that We think the only mention of so unreasonable a demand is sufficient to make their nearest kinsfolks their most mortall enemies, and all men to run on them without further scruple, that are zealous to have their native country to remain still in the state of a kingdom: For what other thing is this, but to dissolve the whole policie; and, (in a manner,) to invert the very order of nature, to make the Prince obey, and subjects command. The like was never demanded by [of] any of our most noble progenitors heretofore, yea, not of Governors and Regents; but the Prince, and such as have filled their place, chose their Councell of such as they thought most fit for the purpose. When We ourselves were of less age, and at our first returning into this our Realme, We had free choice of our Councell at our pleasure, and now when We are at our full maturity, shall We be brought back to the state of pupills, and be put under tutory? So long as some of them bore the whole sway with us, this matter was never called in question; but now when they cannot be longer permitted to do and undoe all at their pleasure, they will put a bridle into our mouthes, and give us a Councell chosen after their fantasie. This is the quarrell of Religion they made you beleeve they had in hand: This is the quarrell for which they would have you hazard your lands, lives, and goods, in the company of a certain number of rebels against your naturall Prince. To speak in good language, they would be Kings themselves, or at the least leaving to us the bare name and title, and take to themselves the credit and whole administration of the kingdome.
“We have thought good to make publication hereof, to shew, that you suffer not yourselves to be deceived under pretence of Religion, to follow them, who prefering their particular advancement to the publike tranquilitie, and having no care of you, in respect of themselves, would (if you would hearken to their voice) draw you after them, to your utter destruction. Assuring you, that you have heretofore good experience of our clemency, and under our wings enjoyed in peace the possession of your goods, and lived at liberty of your conscience, so may you be in full assurance of the like hereafter, and have us alwayes your good and loving Princes, to so many as shall continue your selves in due obedience, and do the office of faithfull and naturall subjects.
“Given under our Signet at Saint Andrews, the tenth of December [September], and of our Reigns the first and twentie three years, 1565.”
[1102] In both edit. 1614, the following words, (which occur twenty-one lines lower down,) viz., “is this, but to dissolve the whole policy, and in a manner to invert the very order,” are here inserted, inclosed within brackets, and printed in italic type, rendering the whole passage unintelligible.
Now, the Lords desired, next the establishing of Religion, that the Queens Majesty, in all the affairs of the Realme and Commonwealth, should use the counsell and advice of the Nobility, and ancient blood of the same; whereas in the mean time the councell of David, and Francisco, the Italians,[1103] with Fowler the Englishman, and Master James Balfour, parson of Flisk, was preferred before all others, save only the Earle of Athole, who was thought to be a man of grosse jugement, but neverthelesse in all things given to please the Queen. It was now finally come to this point, that instead of law, justice, and equity, only will ruled in all things.
[1103] Of these Italians the one was David Riccio, the other was Seinzeour Francis de Bisso, or Busso, whose name occurs in the Treasurer’s Accounts as receiving a pension of £100 paid half-yearly from Whitsunday 1561. In the Register of Signatures in the Office of the Comptroller, 28th May 1562, Queen Mary mentions that “the Seigneour Francisque has done long service unto the Quene our Mother,” and directs that he receive “gude and thankfull payment of his wages of Master Household,” since the day of the Queen Regent’s death, which was the 11th June 1560. Immediately after whose death, he had received £120. (Treasurer’s Accounts.) In the same Register, last September 1563, we find that “Seigneour Francis de Busso, Knycht of the Order of Sanct James of the Sword, one of our Maisters of Household,” was appointed by the Queen “Superintendant and Ourseare Generall of her Hienes biggingis, reparationis, warkis, policies, &c.,” with a salary of £300.—“John Francisco de Busso knycht,” died in April 1576. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)
There was thorow all the countrie set out a Proclamation in the King and Queen’s names, commanding all persons to come and meet them at Sterlin, the first day of October following, with twenty dayes provision, under pain of life, lands, and goods. It was uncertain whether their Majesties intended to passe from Sterlin or not, and I beleeve the principall men knew not well at that time; for a report was, that by reason the Castles of Hamilton and Draffen were kept fortified and victualled at the Duke’s command, that they would passe to siege the said houses, and give them some shot of a canon: others said, they would passe towards my Lord of Argile, who had his people alwayes armed, whereof his neighbours were afraid, especially the inhabitants of Athole and Lenox; but at length it was concluded that they should passe to Dumfries, as shall be declared.
During this time there were propositions made continually to the King and Queen by the Lords, desiring alwayes their Majesties most humbly to receive them into their hands. Their Articles tended continually to these two heads, viz., To abolish the Masse, root out Idolatry, and establish the true Religion: And that they and the affaires of the Realm should be governed by the advice and counsell of the true Nobility of the same; offering themselves, and their cause, to be tried by the lawes of the countrey. Yet nothing could be accepted nor taken in good part, albeit the Master of Maxwell laboured by all means to redresse the matter, who also entertained the Lords most honourably in Dumfreis, for he had the goverment of all that country. But he himself incurred the Queen’s wrath so, that he was summoned to present himself, and appear before the King and Queens Majesties, after the same form that the rest of the Lords were charged with; and also commanded to give over the house of Lochmaben, and the Castle, which he had in keeping for the Queen. And albeit he obeyed not, yet was he not put to the horn, as the rest. Nevertheless there was no man that doubted of his good will and partaking with the Lords, who in the mean time sent Robert Melvin to the Queen of England, and declared their state to her Majesty, desiring support.
Now, the chief care and solicitude that was in the Court, was, by what means they might come to have money; for notwithstanding this great preparation for war, and eminent appearance of trouble, yet were they destitute of the sinewes of war:[1104] Albeit the Treasurer, and now Comptroller,[1105] to wit, the Laird of Tillibardin, had disbursed many thousands; yet there was no appearance of payment of souldiers, nor scarcely how the King and Queen’s houses and pompous trains should be upholden:[1106] there was about 600 horsemen, besides the guard and three ensignes of footmen. The charge of the whole would amount to £1000 sterling, every month; a thing surpassing the usuall manner of Scotland.
[1104] In place of 200 men which the town of Edinburgh were ordered to levy, as they voted on the 24th August the sum of £1000 Scottish money, an exemption in the Town’s favour was passed on the 26th. (Maitland’s Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 26.)
[1105] Robert Richardson, Prior of St. Mary’s Isle, was Treasurer, and William Murray of Tullibardine, Comptroller.
[1106] In the Treasurer’s Accounts, 16th January 1564-5, the balance due on the previous year’s accounts was £32,696, 16s. 1d.; and in June 1566, this sum was augmented to £42,937, 19s. 4d.
[Sidenote: So was the Citie of London, for warre against Scotland, vexed for the leavie money.]
At this time arrived the Earl of Bothwell,[1107] who was welcome, and graciously received by the Queen, and immediately placed in Councell, and made Lieutenant of the West and Middle Marches. Now as every one of the Burrows[1108] compounded to be exempted from this meeting; the Earl of Athole demanded of Edinburgh £200 sterling, but they refused to pay it; notwithstanding, October 27th, there was a certain number of the principall and rich persons of the town warned by a Macer to pass to the Palace of Hallyrudhouse to the King and Queen, who declared to them by their own mouth’s speaking that they had use for money, and therefore knowing them to be honest men, and the inhabitants of the best citie in their countrey, they must needs charge them; and for security they should have other men bound for pledges, or any hand therefore. The sum that they desired was £1000 sterling, and no less. They being astonished, made no answer; but Parson Flisk standing by, said, that seeing the King and Queens Majesties desired them so civilly, in a thing most lawfull in their necessitie, they did shew themselves not honest to keep silence and give no answer to their Majesties, for that must needs be had of them which was required; and if they would not, they should be constrained by the laws, which they would not abide; for some of them had deserved hanging, (said he,) because they had lent large sums of money to the King and Queen’s enemies and rebels; and therefore, they must shortly suffer great punishment.
[1107] Bothwell arrived from France on the 17th September 1565. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 83.)
[1108] In both editions 1644, misprinted, “Barons.”
Soon after they were called in one by one, and demanded how much they would lend? Some made this excuse, and some that, by reason there were that offered to lend money; amongst whom there was one offered to lend £20. To him the Earle of Athole said, thou art worthy to be hanged that speakest of £20, seeing the Princes charge thee so easily. Finally, they were all imprisoned, and souldiers set over them, having their muskets ready charged, and their match lighted, even in the house with them, where they remained all that night, and the next day till night; and then being changed from one prison to another, there were six chosen out and sent in the night to the Castle of Edinburgh, convoyed with musketteers round about them, as if they had been murtherers or most vile persons. At length, (the third day,[1109]) by means of the Laird of Craigmiller, Provest, and some others, the summe was made more easie, to wit, a 1000 marks sterling, to be paid immediately, and to have the superioritie of Leith in pledge, (to wit,) upon condition of redemption.[1110] And besides the said sum of 1000 marks sterling, they paid £1000 sterling for the meeting at Dumfries. At the day appointed, for electing the officers, the Queen sent in a ticket, such as she would have them chuse for Provest, Bailiffs, and Councell, whereof there was a number of Papists, the rest not worthy. Of the number given in by the Queen, they named such as should rule for that year; notwithstanding, without free election, the Laird [of] Craigmiller remained Provest,[1111] who shewed himself most willing to set forward Religion, to punish vice, and to maintain the Commonwealth. All this time the Ministers cried out against the Masse, and such idolatry; for it was more advanced by the Queen then before.
[1109] They were summoned on the 27th, and on the 29th September, “the six” were taken to the Castle of Edinburgh. The agreement for the Superiority of Leith was made on the 6th October. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 84.)
[1110] This kind of compulsory assessment, terminating however in an advantageous bargain for the Town of Edinburgh, is partly confirmed by the Council Records. The Town’s revenues being exhausted, the inhabitants contributed the sum of 10,000 marks Scotish money. This sum was advanced by way of loan by 381 persons, whose names, and the amount of their contributions, appear in the Records—the larger sums being furnished by twenty-five persons, “men of law;” and the Town of Edinburgh received a charter of the Superiority of Leith, dated 14th November 1565. In April following, the Queen having repented of this bargain, wrote to the Magistrates of Edinburgh to delay taking possession of the town of Leith; but this request it stated, “they obstinately ganestude.” This Superiority has been retained for nearly three centuries, to the prejudice of the one, and with perhaps less advantage to the other than might have been anticipated. (Council Register, vol. iii. fol. 136; Maitland’s Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 27; Campbell’s Hist. of Leith, p. 92.)
[1111] Douglas was discharged from the office of Provost on the 24th, (see page 498,) and Preston elected on the 25th August 1565. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 81.) He was knighted, and Sir Symon Preston of Craigmillar continued as Provost of Edinburgh for four successive years, from 1565 to 1568.
The first day of October, met in Edinburgh the Superintendant of Lothian, with all the Ministers under his charge, according to their ordinary custom; for every Superintendant used to convene the whole Ministry, and there it was complained on, that they could get no payment of their stipends, not only about the city, but thorow the whole Realm. Therefore, after reasoning and consultation taken, they framed a Supplication, directed to the King and Queen, and immediately presented the same to their Majesties, by Master John Spottswood, Superintendant of Lothian, and Master David Lindsey, Minister of Leith: It contained in effect, that forasmuch as it had pleased the King and Queen’s Majesties, (with advice of the Privy Councell,) to grant unto the Ministers of the Word their Stipends, to be taken of the Thirds of the Benefices, which Stipends are now detained from the said Ministers by reason of the troubles, and changing of the Comptroller, whereby they are not able to live; and therefore most humbly craved the King and Queen’s Majesty to cause them to be paid. Their answer was, That they would cause order to be taken therein to their contentment.
Soon after the Lord Gordon came to Edinburgh, and left the most part of his people at Sterlin with his carriage; the King and Queen, for hope of his good service to be done, restored him to his father’s place, to the Earldom of Huntley, the lands and heritage thereof. October 8. the King and Queen marched forth of Edinburgh towards Dumfries, and as they passed from the Palace of Hallyrud-house, all men were warned with jack and spear. The first night they came to Sterlin, and the next to Craford. The day after, the Lairds of Drumlanrick and Lochinvar met the Queen, albeit they had been with the Lords familiar enough.
The Lords perceiving that all hope of reconciliation was past, they rode to Ednam [Annan], where they remained till the Queen came to Dumfries, and then they past to Carlile. Now the Master of Maxwell, who had entertained the Lords familiarly, and subscribed with them, and had spoken as highly against their enemies as any of themselves, and had received large money by that means, to wit, £1000, to raise a band or troup of horsemen; and that the same day the King and Queen came to Dumfries; the third day after their coming, he came to them, conveyed by the Earl Bothwell, with divers other Noblemen. At length the Earls of Athole and Huntley were sureties for him, and all things past remitted, upon condition that he should be a faithfull and obedient subject hereafter. The same day they made musters; the next day the army was dispersed, being about 18,000 men: the King and Queen past to Lochmaben, where the Master of Maxwell gave a banquet, and then forthwith marched to Tweddall, so to Peblis, and then to Edinburgh.
[Sidenote: Note diligently.]
[Sidenote: Note diligently Queen Elizabeth.]
[Sidenote: Here mark either deep dissimulation, or a great inconstancy.]
The best and chief part of the Nobility of this Realm, who also were the principal instruments of the Reformation of Religion, and therefore were called the Lords of the Congregation, in manner above rehearsed, were banished and chased into England: they were courteously received and entertained by the Earl of Bedford, Lieutenant, upon the Borders of England. Soon after the Earle of Murray took post towards London, leaving the rest of the Lords at Newcastle; every man supposed that the Earl of Murray should have been graciously received of the Queen of England, and that he should have gotten support according to his heart’s desire; but far beyond his expectation, he could get no audience of the Queen of England: But by means of the French Ambassadour, called Monsieur De Four, his true friend, he obtained audience. The Queen, with a fair countenance, demanded, “How he, being a rebel to her Sister of Scotland, durst take the boldness upon him to come within her Realm?” These, and the like words got he, instead of the good and courteous entertainment expected. Finally, after private discourse, the Ambassadour being absent, she refused to give the Lords any support, denying plainly that ever she had promised any such thing as to support them, saying, “She never meant any such thing in that way;” albeit her greatest familiars knew the contrary. In the end, the Earl of Murray said to her, “Madam, whatsoever thing your Majesty meant in your heart, we are thereof ignorant; but thus much we know assuredly, that we had lately faithfull promises of aid and support by your Ambassadour, and familiar servants, in your name: and further, we have your own hand-writting, confirming the said promises.” And afterward he took his leave, and came northward from London, towards Newcastle. After the Earl of Murray his departure from the Court, the Queen sent them some aid, and writ unto the Queen of Scotland in their favour: Whether [it was] she had promised it in private to the Earl of Murray, or whether she repented her of the harsh reception of the Earl of Murray. At this time David Rizio, Italian, began to be higher exalted, insomuch as there was no matter or thing of importance done without his advice. And during this time, the faithfull within this Realm were in great fear, looking for nothing but great trouble and persecution to be shortly. Yet supplications and intercessions were made thorowout all the congregations, especially for such as were afflicted and banished, that it would please God to give them patience, comfort, and constancy; and this especially was done at Edinburgh, where John Knox used to call them that were banished, the best part of the Nobility, Chief members of the Congregation: Whereof the Courtiers being advertised, they took occasion to revile and bewray his sayings, alledging, He prayed for the rebels, and desired the people to pray for them likewise. The Laird of Lethington, chief Secretary, in presence of the King and Queen’s Majesties and Councell, confessed that he heard the sermons, and said, There was nothing at that time spoken by the minister, whereat any man need to be offended: and further, declared plainly, That by the Scripture it was lawfull to pray for all men.
In the end of November, the Lords, with their complices, were summoned to appear the fourth day of February, for treason, and Loese-majestie: But in the mean time, such of the Nobility as had professed the evangell of Christ, and had communicate with the Brethren at the Lord’s Table, were ever longer the more suspected by the Queen, who began to declare her self, in the months of November and December, to be maintainer of the Papists; for at her pleasure the Earls of Lennox, Athole, and Cassels, with divers others, without any dissimulation known, went to the Masse openly in her chappell: Yet, nevertheless, the Earls of Huntley and Bothwell went not to Masse, albeit they were in great favour with the Queen. As for the King, he past his time in hunting and hawking, and such other pleasures as were agreeable to his
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