73. The twentith Chapter. Of Nobilitie, of Bondage, of Occupying mar

The twentith Chapter. Of Nobilitie, of Bondage, of Occupying marchandise, and ingrosing of wares.

ARistotle in his seconde booke of Rhetorickes writeth of Nobilitie, ^{1 2} that the same consisteth héerein, that a ma~ haue excellent and famous Auncestors. For although that oftentimes euen in these our dayes are found me~ which atchieue notable interprises of no lesse excellencie than are those mentioned of the forefathers, yet are those auncient actes of greater estimation by reason of their antiquitie. For there is a difference betwéene ⟨…⟩ and ⟨…⟩. ³ For they are called ⟨…⟩ which are borne of noble parents, but ⟨…⟩ are those which retaine still the vertue of their Ancestours, and doe not degenerate from them. ⁴ We sée that in the families of noble men the selfesame thing in a manner happeneth which happeneth in corne: which is accustomed some yéeres to bring foorth more plentifully, and some yéeres more barrainly. And sometime it chaunceth, that after a fewe barraine yéeres, followe other fertill yéeres. So y e families of noble men sometime bring foorth manie excellent men, as it were a verie plentifull haruest; sometime as it were an vnfruitfull soyle, they lie barren and idle: And againe afterward they after a sort reuiue, vnto y e vertue of their Ancestors. And how this degenerating commeth, the same Aristotle after this manner declareth: It commeth to passe oftentimes (saith he) that y e children or posteritie of wise & wittie men become fierce and cruel, as it is written of the posterities of Alcibiades. And on the other side, of méeke, louing, and gentle Parents, are borne childre~ cowardish, sluggish, and blockish: which we read to haue happned in the families of Symon and Socrates. The selfe same things may we beholde in the children of Israel. They had Patriarkes as Princes of their stocke, being men indued with great vertues and singular nobilitie. Of their posteritie sprang foorth oftentimes excellent men: which posteritie although sometimes it séemed to lie still without any notable issue, yet GOD alwayes betwéene whiles stirred vp in it, some, either Iudges, or Kings, or Prophets, or Priests which excelled in life, wisedome and godlinesse. Moreouer the same Aristotle in his first Booke of Rhetorickes, writeth that the true nobilitie, or felicitie of any nation herein chiefely consisteth, ⁵ that together with prosperous successe it haue vertue ioyned: which two thinges God gaue aboundantly vnto the Hebrewes. He addeth moreouer, that y e people is called noble, which is not mingled with the mixture and confusion of other nations. For which consideration the Athenians boasted that they were ⟨…⟩, that is, of one and the selfe same soyle.

⁶ 2 But there can be shewed of no nation which had a stocke so pure and vnmixt as had the Hebrewes. For Abraham was the head of their stocke: whose Nephew Iacob had 12. children, of who~ came the 12. tribes. Further euerie tribe had their certaine families, Landes, Cities, and Regions, which they inhabited. To be short, as writeth Eusebius De preparatione Euangelica, there was no common wealth, neither of the Lacedemonians, nor Athenians: (which two séemed of all other to bee most excellent) which had their stocke so certaine, or their tribes so certainly deriued from one Prince and progenitour. For to nobilitie is required that the people should liue in their owne lawes: But no nation at any time had their lawes so proper as had the nation of the Hebrewes. ⁷ For lawes were giuen them particularly from GOD, which infinitelie excelled the lawes of all other nations. And they liued vnder their owne lawes so long as they obeyed the Lord. For he then defended them from all misfortunes. But by reason of their sinnes, they were sometimes led awaie captiue by outward nations. But these captiues were not perpetuall: sith after that they had bin punished for their wickednes, they were restored to their olde places againe. Moreouer antiquitie commendeth and setteth forth the nobilite of a people. ⁸ For there can be nothing of Antiquitie founde in the histories of the Ethnickes, but that the same followed long time after that the common wealth of the Iewes was establishd. Before the warre of Troy, ⁹ whatsoeuer is set forth by Ethnicke writers is fabulous. And that warre was then made when Iephthe was now Iudge ouer the commonwealth of the Iewes. Also it furthereth no small deale vnto nobilitie to haue had excellent men of that stocke. And there was neuer either more or more excellent men than among the Iewes. I will not speake of the great multitude of children and the goodnesse in children, which woonderfully flourished among the Iewes.

3 I know there be some which despise this nobilitie deriued from Ancestors. ¹⁰ For they say that oftentimes of horses are borne Mules. And they make mentio~ of Iphicrates, which béeing a notable Emperour, and hearing one contumelouslie and insolentlie obiecting vnto him that he was the sonne of a shoomaker, made this aunswere: ¹¹ My stocke beginneth in me, but thine endeth in thée. And he which vpbraideth vnto a man either fortune or want of nobilitie, doth euen like him which beateth the garments, but toucheth not the bodie. For euen as garments are without the bodie, so nobilitie and fortune are without vs, & are accounted among outward good things. Cicero, although hée were a man newe start vp, yet hée made no great account of his nobilitie. They which giue themselues to hunting prepare the best dogges they can get for hunting, and not whelpes though they come of neuer so good a kinde. ¹² And for battell, strong and warrelike horses are sought for, and not the coults of good horses. Whereto serueth pedigrees, or whereto is it good, Friend Ponticus, to be deriud from long descent of bloud? Or what shall it auaile to thee to recken in a roe, Great numbers of thine Ancestors that liued long agoe?

¹³ It is a ridiculous thing for a man to boast that he can recken vp seuen great grandfathers. These reasons some vse to extenuate the nobilitie of bloude. Neither are these things spoken amisse or yet without profit, especiallie against them, which onelie for the vertue of their ancestors will be counted noble: whereas otherwise they themselues liue dishonestlie, vilelie, and obscurelie. And if any man haue together with vertue obtained nobilitie of bloud, ¹⁴ doubtles he hath great commoditie by it, syth nobilitie is not a thing altogether outward, as it was obiected. For the properties, and markes and motions of the Ancestors are, I knowe not howe, transferred to the posteritie, which although that in the next children or childrens children doe not oftentimes shewe foorth or appeare, yet are they still kept by a certaine power, and reuiue againe in other of the posteritie, so as in them the spirites and courages of their ancestors are renued vnto vertue. Wherefore, séeing such sparkes are still reserued in vs, they are not wholie to be accounted among outward good things. Neither agréeth that comparison of the Mule, which they saie is procreated of a horse: for that in the Mule the generation is stayed. Neither can the Mule if we cosider the common course of nature liue long. But they which are begotten of noble parentes, although they theselues degenerate, yet may they afterwarde bring foorth others. And to staie euen in that similitude: It no small deale adorneth the Mule, that he is begotten of the horse, séeing for the same cause, they are more commendable than Asses. But Iuuenall, Cicero, and Iphicrates spake of those noble men, which when as they themselues had no part at all of their fathers or predecessors vertue and good disposition, woulde notwithstanding be had in estimation for this cause onely, that they came of a noble bloud. He which being but of obscure parentage hath made himselfe honorable by vertues, is of farre more excellencie, than are they which comming of great nobilitie, doe with vices and wicked actes, and with Idlenesse & cowardice, dishonour both them selues and their stocke. ¹⁵ And how much God attributed vnto the posteritie of the godlie, it is manifest not onelie by a place in the 9. Chapter to the Romanes, but also by that place in Exodus, where God promised that he would doe good euen to a thousand generations of the iust: but euen héereby also in that he decréed, that the Priestes and Kings should be chosen out of a certaine stocke. This prerogatiue the Ethnickes contemned not. For he which praiseth Alcibiades, (which some thinke was Euripides, ) when he was crowned in the games of Olimpus, saith, that he which shall be happie, must come of a noble Citie. To which purpose I might cite a great manie of other things, ¹⁶ if néede should so require. But what shall we say of our estate? Are we more abiect than the Iewes? Or may we in comparison of them séeme to be without nobilitie, séeing Paul thus writeth, Consider your calling brethren: Not many noble men, not manie wise men are called? I aunswere, that there is no cause why we should therefore be sorie for our estate. For although (if we consider the stocke it self from whence we were cut off, and which we cannot denie but was a wild Oliue trée) we be obscure and without nobilitie: ¹⁷ yet after we are once grafted in Christ, all his nobilitie is most trulie communicated vnto vs: For we are now not onelie members of him, but also flesh of his flesh & bone of his bones, so as now all his fathers are made our fathers. Which things, although they haue not happened vnto vs by naturall generation: yet vnto a godlie man it ought to bée sufficient, that they were afterward giuen vnto vs.

Of Seruitude or bondage.

5 The first mention of Seruitude or bondage in the holy scriptures is in the 9. ¹⁸ of Genesis. And it shall not be vnprofitable if we speake somewhat thereof. The name, ¹⁹ if we weigh the Latine Etymologie was deriued of Seruando, that is, kéeping: because those whome the vanquishers had not slaine in war, they kept to themselues, to the intent they might vse their labour. ²⁰ Thereof were they called Seruants: as saith Florentinus the Lawyer, in the fourth booke of the Institutes. By the same reason had Mancipia their name, because they were taken with the hand from enemies, as we haue it in the first of the Pandectes of Iustinian. Plinie in his 7. ²¹ booke, the 56. Chapter, attributed the inuention hereof to the Lacedemonians. But our writinges which be more auncient, doe make vs beléeue that he is deceaued. The cause of bondage is sinne. ²² For warre denounced and made, if it be iust, it is doone for the repressing of sinnes: but if it be vniust as touching their part which make it, yet by the dispensation of God it is iust, who prepareth thereby to punish those which he hath knowen woorthie to be chastised. This did Daniel and other Prophetes most manifestlie declare, ²³ when they accounted their owne iniquities, and the iniquities of their forefathers to be the cause of victorie vnto y e enemies against the people of God. Truely bondage is therefore a punishment, ²⁴ because it is against the nature and condition of man. God ordained man, not that he should serue, but that he should haue dominion. Wherefore the good fathers in old time, did not exercise dominion ouer men: they were Pastors of the flocke, and they ruled men onelie with loue and Counsels. And séeing Man is made to the Image of God, ²⁵ and that it is the propertie of God to commaund, not to execute thinges commaunded: it is prooued that men also are not of nature to serue. Howbeit, bondage must not be reiected by this Argument, ²⁶ séeing it is inuented as a bridle of iniquitie, and a medicine vnto mans naughtinesse. For thou maiest finde manie thinges which haue had their beginninges of a naughtie cause, which must not be altogether reiected, but retained. Hereuppon the Apostles Peter and Paul verie oftentimes in their Epistles, ²⁷ put vs in remembrance, that subiectes and seruantes should be duetifull towardes their Lordes, and that they should not presume to shake off the yoke of bondage: ²⁸ Nay rather as Peter expreslie said: Wee should serue them though they be euill and froward. For the Gospel hath bin suspected hereof, euen from the beginning, that it rashlie called men vnto libertie, and thereby raysed tumultes in Comonweales. Wherein men were altogether deceaued: sith Christian pietie disturbeth not the state of worldlie thinges. Wherefore consider thou, that bondage gate her first originall from sinne, the mercie of coquerers being applyed thereunto. Then séeing GOD hath decréed by this meanes to amend peruerse manners, it should be wickedlie doone of men to shake off the same by violence. Adde herewithall, that our pride and hantinesse is hereby kept vnder. The people of Israell scarcelie at anie time conuerted vnto God, vnlesse they were warned by this scourge, as each one may read in the booke of Iudges. Wherefore, that which is so profitable should be vniustlie refused, when it shall be layd vppon vs by the Lord. But and if it may séeme hard to anie man to obay froward and vniust Masters, let him consider that the excellent God our father instructeth vs by his example, ²⁹ who with his Sunne and rayne, serueth the commodities, not onelie of the godlie, but also of the vngodlie. And oftentimes, if thou consider the easinesse of the state, thou shalt finde it a harder matter to rule well (especiallie if thou gouerne euill and foolish men) than it is to obay, so that thou shalt manie times finde the state of seruing to be lesse troublesome: which neuerthelesse, as well y e cotitution of our nature not borne to serue, as also the hautinesse & pride which euerie one of vs hath gathered eue fro~ the beginning, maketh gréeuous vnto vs.

6 But now let vs sée how seruantes must be handled by their Maisters: ³⁰ Wherein I alleage that the state and condition of thinges is of two sortes. One which concerneth the saluation of soules, hath respect vnto Christ and vnto spirituall thinges. And as touching this, let Maisters vnderstand that seruantes are equall vnto them: that is, they are no lesse than themselues, or their children, wife and kinsfolke: For so much as in Christ there is neither male nor female, ³¹ neither bond nor free The other is of bodily, or outward and ciuill thinges: and about these good thinges there may and ought to be made some difference in apparelling of the bodie, in diet, and other thinges of like sort, betwéene fréemen and bondmen. Who if they doe not their duetie, shall be accounted seditious and rebellious, they may be chasticed and beaten, that through them, the domesticall peace be not disturbed: yet so, as this be not cruellie doone, but for their commoditie, that they may be restored to the amendment of minde. And Paul as well to the Ephesians as Colossians, ³² exhorteth that euen the Masters themselues should be equal towardes their seruantes. And for what cause they ought to doe it, he there declareth. Let them consider (saith he) that they themselues also haue a Lord in heauen. As if he should haue said: Euen as they would that they themselues should be vsed of him, so ought they to order themselues towardes their seruantes. I beséech you let each one of them remember that while they thinke they be not fitlie serued in all pointes, whether they themselues in all respectes according to the commaundement prescribed, doe obey the heauenlie Lord of all things. There is moreouer an other kinde of seruitude, whereof the Apostle maketh mention in the 5. ³³ Chapter to the Galathians: Serue ye one an other through charitie. And that in verie déede is not vppon constraint, but voluntarie: the which also, if our first parentes had not fallen, might haue place in mankinde. For it is méete that the younger should obey the elder, the vnwiser the wiser. Truelie it is conuenient, that they which be the elder and haue more perseuerance, should haue prehemine~ce, so as we are not to thinke that this kinde of seruitude of which we now intreate was brought in by sinne, but that other which is found out by power and lawe. Wherefore that is not taken away, which is spoken both commonlie and by Aristotle in his Politickes, to wit, y e seruitude is partlie naturall and partlie by the lawe: Neither ought we to forget, that the seruice of God, wherein the faithfull doe obey and beléeue him, is called a certaine seruitude which must be preferred aboue all the libertie of the flesh. ³⁴ Hereof Paul in the Epistle to the Romans maketh mention at large, when he saith, That we being deliuered from sinne by Christ, are now the seruantes of righteousnesse.

³⁵ 7 Moreouer, Seruitude was in old time y e punishment of sinne: And no man is ignorant how it is a common saying: What a number of euils doe craue bondage? ³⁶ Euen as it was lawfull among the Hebrewes for a man to sell himselfe, and his children, when he was brought to extreme pouertie: So is it credible, that there was among them a Magistrate, who being required by the Creditors, should constraine the debtors (when they had not wherewith to pay,) that they should sell themselues and their children, that by such meanes their debtes might be all paide. Which is euidentlie enough gathered by a parable written in the 18. Chapter of Matthew, ³⁷ as concerning the king which commaunded a debtor of his together with his children to be sould for the satisfying of him. But how the lawes of men and of God haue decréed towardes debtors, I will touch in fewe wordes. ³⁸ At this day an Arrest, as they call it, is in vse, whereof notwithstanding the ciuill lawes haue made no mention. And thereby the debtors are staid in the same place, where they were apprehended, and are forbidden to depart from thence before they compound with their creditors. And in some common weales they which are indebted be cast in prison vntil they haue paid. In the lawes of the xij tables as Aulus Gellius reporteth in the 20. booke and 1. Chapter, There was appointed by y e Iudge the space of xxx. dayes, wherein the debtor might séeke monie for payment of his debtes: which if he could not obtaine, he was bound in fetters and giues, & deliuered to his Creditor, who constrained him to woorke at home like a laboring beast, vntill such time as he were satisfied of the debt. And of such bondes Liuie maketh mention, and declareth that by reason of them there sprang great sedition, because the people would not be so cruellie handled by their owne countrimen, and by them which were rich. The Saxon lawes doe binde the debtors: but the Roman lawes no where (so farre as I knowe) haue expreslie decréed prisons for debtors. But expreslie (I said) because it séemeth to be gathered in some sort. For in the Code [the Title] Qui bonis cedere possint, in the 1. lawe it is written: that by departing from the goods, imprisonment was auoyded. Whereby surelie it appeareth, that the debtors which would not yéeld their goods should be thrust into prison. And thereuppon is gathered, that the departing from goods was in place of a benefit vnto the Romans, for by it they auoided imprisonment. But they which being condemned by the Iudge, were not able to pay the condemnation layd vppon them, were punished in the bodie. For they were driuen to so manie and so great labours and workes, vntill such time as they had satisfied that wherein they were condemned: As we haue it in the Digestes, in the title De Poenitentia the first lawe, in the Paragraphe, Generaliter.

8 Howbeit, by the Romane lawes, power is not taken away from the Magistrate, but that he may cast them into prison, which by craft doe circumuent some, to the intent they may trust them with monie, against whome afterward they vaunt: when they shew that they haue not wherewith to pay. Howbeit, this is doone by authoritie of the Iudges, not that the lawes haue expreslie so decréed. But that this should be doone by priuate men, y e Roman lawes haue in plaine wordes forbidden: As we haue it in the Digestes, De Reg. Iuris, in the lawe, Non est singulis. Neither were frée men brought into bondage, for not paying of debtes: As it is in the Code, De Actione & obligatione, in the lawe, Ob as alienum. Yea and by Iustinian verie gréeuous punishmentes are decréed against them which durst to attempt it, as it is in the Authentickes, Vt nulli Iudicum liceat, in the Paragraphe, Quod vero, Col. 8. where he decréeth that they which haue committed this wicked acte, should loose their right of demaunding that which is due vnto them. Further, that they shall pay as much monie vnto him that hath the wrong [as the debt commeth to.] Neither was anie man thrust into prison for publike debt: as we may sée in the Code, De Exactionibus tributorum, in the lawe, Nemo. Bartolus also, about the lawe Alia, in the Digestes, De Matrimonio Soluto, saith, that the bargaine is of no force, wherein a man bindeth himselfe to prison, if he paie not the debt within a certaine time, so bereauing himselfe of the benefit of departing from his goods. Of the same opinion is Panormitanus de Pignoribus, in the Chapter, Lator. Howbeit, two cases are here excepted. The first is: if he that is not able to discharge the debt, haue alienated all his goods before for deceiuing of his Creditors: As we haue it in the Digestes, in the title, Quae in fraudem Creditorum, in the last lawe. The other case is, if a debtor, when he gate other mens goods into his handes did knowe that he had not wherewith to paie, as it is written in the Digestes, De Iure dotis, in the last lawe but one. Neither are we to passe ouer that which is in the Code De captiuis post liminio reuersis, in the last lawe, which was made by Honorius, that if anie captiue be deliuered at the cost or charges laide out by an other: he when he shall be returned home, ought to repay the charges to him that hath redéemed him. And if perhappes he shall not be able to repaie him, he should satisfie his redéemer by seruices and labours, and finallie by his trauell for the space of fiue yeares. And thus much as touching the imprisonment or bondage of debtors out of the Romane lawes.

³⁹ 9 The lawes of God haue made no mention of imprisonment of those debtors which haue not wherewith to paie, but bondage they haue laid vppon them. And for better vnderstanding of the matter, we will define a seruant or bondman. ⁴⁰ He is an instrument indued with reason, which being separated from others may execute his office, and is not at his owne libertie, but is in subiection of an other man. ⁴¹ But of seruitudes there be manie kindes. Some haue taken place by the right of victorie, and they which tooke bondmen in the warres, had power ouer them of life and death. Others are made bondmen, not by the right of warre, but because they haue sould themselues by reason of pouertie. Or else they haue bin plucked away from their parentes, or from their Lordes, or else fro~ the sentence of the Iudge, when they were not able to make satisfaction for that which was stolen. Others be bondmen, because they haue bin procreated of parentes being bondmen. Further as touching diuine lawes, some seruantes were Hebrewes, and others were strangers, as Chananites, Phylistians, and men of Tyrus &c. ⁴² God by his lawes did verie much mitigate the seruitude of the Hebrewe bondmen. First, he would not that they should be straitelie gouerned by their Maisters, that is by proud dominion and hautinesse. ⁴³ Besides he decréed, that deliuerance should alwayes be at hand, and that it should not be hindered by anie reward. ⁴⁴ Moreouer y e Iewes might not be constrained to serue aboue sixe yeares, for the seuenth yeare he was suffered to goe frée. ⁴⁵ Neither did he alwayes serue out the vj. yeares. For if the yeare of Iubile had fallen in the third or in the iiij. yeare of y e bondage, he escaped frée. Besides he would haue a bondman of this kinde, to be dealt withall like a hyred seruant, that letteth his labours to hire. Neither was it lawfull by the lawes of God, to sell an Hebrewe vnto strangers. And when he was let goe frée, it was commaunded, that he should not be sent away emptie, but that a portio~ of corne, of shéepe, and of other goods should be giuen vnto him. And not onelie he himselfe was deliuered, but together with him, his children, and also his wife, so that she were an Hebrewe. For the bondslaues which were strangers were neuer redéemed nor yet deliuered, vnlesse the Maister were willing: and the children procreated by them, were kept in perpetuall bondage. It is manifest by these thinges which I haue rehearsed, that God did verie much ease the bondage as touching his owne people the Iewes. Vnto this lenitie it séemeth that Constantine also had respect, as it appeareth in the Code, the second lawe, De patribus qui filios distraxerunt. For it suffereth not, that children should be sould by their Parentes, vnlesse it be in extreme necessitie of hunger. And he will that they should straightway returne to fréedome, when there shall be offered an opportunitie of redéeming, either by restitution of the monie vnto the byer, or else by putting an other bondman in his place. And albeit that the lawe of God did so mitigate seruitude, ⁴⁶ yet did the widowe make request vnto Elizaeus, that it might not happen vnto her children: partlie because Mothers couet to haue euils though they be easie to be turned away from their children, and partlie because that clemencie of God expressed by the lawes, was not perfectlie kept by cruell Masters. For which transgression, ⁴⁷ Ieremie did earnestlie rebuke king Zedechias, because perhappes he feared least that children being alienated, should by Creditors be driuen vnto Idolatrie, which then had inuaded the x. Tribes.

Of Traficke, or occupying of Marchandise, and ingrossing of vvares called Monopolium.

10 Whereas the holy Historie speaketh of the Traficke of Salomon, ⁴⁸ that Narration hath two thinges woorthie to be obserued. First, that it may be declared how Salomon had such store of horses, séeing Palestine bréedeth not manie of those beastes. In déeds it hath manie Asses, and also manie Moyles and Camels, but verie fewe horses. Wherefore it is declared, that Salomon easilie prepared himselfe horses out of Egypt. Further it is shewed, that riches came vnto Salomon not onelie by Nauigation, but also by way of Marchandise out of Egypt. The matter was on this wise: In Egypt there is an increase of a great number of horses, and those fierce and couragious, which not onelie doe suffice that Nation: but also other Nations adioyning doe fetch from thence. Which was not permitted of them to be doone fréelie: For Pharao would haue a certaine tribute thereby. So as there was a certaine appointed custome giuen for the carying away of euerie horse, euen as at this day we sée in some kingdomes. And forsomuch as Pharao was the father in lawe of Salomon, this prerogatiue of his, he gaue vnto him: Namelie, that strangers should not carrie horses out of Egypt, ⁴⁹ but by the leaue of Salomon, and by paying the custome which he himselfe had appointed. Wherefore it was easie enough for him, to haue plentie of horses in his owne kingdome. Moreouer, through that custome, there came verie much vnto his Treasure. And he exacted the custome by a certaine companie of his owne Marchantes whom he had appointed vnto this office.

11 Howbeit this kinde of gaine séemeth not onelie to be vile, but also incommodious and hurtfull vnto Nations and prouinces. ⁵⁰ For it hath respect vnto ⟨…⟩, which is then doone, whe~ as a certaine kinde of thinges are committed to some one man alone to be sould. Ingrossing of wares are forbidden by the Romane lawes: ⁵¹ As it is in the Code De Monopolijs, in the lawe, Vnica. By which verie strait lawe, Zeno the Emperour decréed, that they which vsed ingrossing of wares, should be dispoyled of all their goods. And he added, that euen the letters of the Emperours should not be heard, if they should séeme to giue anie man licence to ingrosse or get all into their handes. And vndoubtedlie, they that ingrosse all into their owne handes, sell not thinges according to their value and woorthinesse, but set a prise vppon them at their owne pleasure. But how this kinde of Traficke serueth to gaine and getting of wealth, Aristotle sheweth in his first booke of Politickes, the 7. Chapter, bringing the example of Thales Milesius. ⁵² Against him was pouerty vpbraided: Namelie that whereas he was more studious in Philosophie than the rest, he also séemed to be in more necessitie than others. Wherefore he being minded to defend Philosophie from the reproch of ill men, séeing he foreknewe by Astrologie, that the yeare following there would be a great plentie of Oyle, before that winter should passe away, that is, before the Oliue trées should haue flowers, hyred all the storehouses, the wine presses, and oyle milles. And whenas there followed a great fruitfulnesse of the fruite of Oliues in Chios and Miletum, none could haue anie storehouse or instrumentes for Oyle, vnlesse it were permitted them by Thales. These thinges when he set foorth to hyre, he somewhat raysed the price: whereby he gate an abundance of monie, and gaue foolish men to vnderstand that it will be an easie matter for a wise man, if so he thinke fit, to gather vnto him great store of monie. The selfe same fact dooth Cicero rehearse in his first booke, De Diuinatione: but somewhat after an other sort than did Aristotle. For he writeth not that the storehouses of Oyle were hiered, but that the Oyle it selfe was bought. This dooth Plinie shewe in his 18. booke the 28. Chapter, but he ascribeth it not to Thales, but to Democritus. And he saith, that he did not foresée a great plentie of Oyle, but a verie great scarcitie, and bought for himselfe all the Oyle which should be growing in the countrie. The same Aristotle brought an example of him, which bought vp all the Iron at Siracusa. And when the Marchantes were come to the Faires, he somewhat aduauncing the price, gate verie much gaines. This did Dion the Tyrant take in very ill part, and therefore draue him out of the Citie. For he supposed that the ingrossing by priuate men was not profitable to his exchequier. Strabo in the fourth booke of his Geographie saith, that the Taurisci, (which at this day we call Taurinati, being a people towardes the Alpes in the borders of Italie, had in times past excellent Gold mines. And when in the digging of Golde they were holpen by other Italians, who afterward transported into diuers partes of Italie that which they receaued for their wages: thereof it came to passe, that in y e space of two moneths Gold in Italie was sould a third part better cheape than it had bin before. Wherefore the Taurisci ordayned an ingrossing in their own handes, by meanes whereof it should be lawfull for themselues onelie to sell their Gold. And there are accustomed to be made ingrossinges of Sault, and of Alum, and of manie other thinges which belong as well to meate as to drinke. And this (as Aristotle teacheth in the place now alleaged) haue the Commonweales and princes of Cities attempted, when they haue néede of monie. And this sometime did Charles the 5. ⁵³ within our age in the lowe countries: And likewise the king of Portingall as touching spices.

12 But to returne to Salomon, He cannot be accused of filthie and hurtfull gaine: For he vsed not this ⟨…⟩, of what sort soeuer it were, within his kingdome, so that he did no harme to his Citizens. But thou wilt say, y t by vsing of this trafficke in Egypt he did hurt the Egyptians. No not one whit: For he prescribed not any thing to the Egyptians, for it was lawefull for them to buy of whom they would, & that for the vsuall price. Also it hindered no strong nations at all: Because the Noble men and Princes which were neare neighbours, or else marchantes might not otherwise bring out horses from thence without the graunt and good will of Pharao, vnto whom also it behooued to paie the custome appointed by him. But if that Pharao would graunt this right of his vnto Salomon, it was frée for him to doe the same without iniurie to anie man. I am not ignoraunt of this, that there bée some of the Hebrewes which thinke that this right giuen to Salomon, pertained not onely vnto horses, but also vnto silke. For they iudge that the Hebrew word Micue is euen the same in effect that is Ticua, wherby is signified yearne or a thread of silke. In verie déede, garments of silke were in great estimation in the east and south Regions, therefore they thinke, that as well horses as silke might not be brought out of Egypt, vnlesse it were by Salomon or by his agents. Howbeit the matter is vncertaine, namely as touching silke: wherfore I will not much striue about that matter. But this I affirme, that euen héereby is gathered, (which also other good authors as I shewed before haue taught,) that y e ingrossing of wares is a very certaine and ready way to make gaine. But of what price the horses were, ⁵⁴ and for how much they were carried out, it is declared. A Chariot of foure horses cost six hundreth sicles of siluer or drachmes: That is after the account of our times two hundreth and fortie crownes of the Sunne, as Budaeus a verie learned man in his booke De Asse hath declared, when he purposelie tooke in hand to expound this place. So that they paid for euerie horse 60. Crownes: which also is in vse at this daie. For a horse of lustie courage and great, as are barded horses, will bee of no lesse price than thréescore crownes.

13 But when as Pharao sendeth the people crying out vnto Iosephe, ⁵⁵ and he selleth Corne, it is not méete that they which ingrosse wares into their owne hands should hereby defende their naughtie couetousnesse. They doe therefore vse the same because it helpeth to make them verie riche. A thing doubtlesse not beséeming to a man that is wise and of a good nature. For sometimes priuate men buy of Princes a right of selling this or that kinde of thing, so as it may be lawfull for them alone, and they themselues set a price, not according to iustice, but according to couetousnesse. Wherefore ingrossing of wares must be condemned, as being that which hurteth the publike profite, and is against iustice. Yet do I not deny, but that the common wealth it selfe standing in any necessitie, so as it wanteth money, may ordaine that certaine things be ingrossed for a publike benefite. For I thinke there is no difference betwéene this, and to impose a newe taxe. But here the case is altered. The king commaunded that corne should be gotten together and kept for a publike safetie. For priuate men neglected this care, therefore it behooued the Magistrate to haue here a great regard. Moreouer, he hindred not others which would do this. Herein also was the commaundement of God, which excuseth whatsoeuer may here séeme absurde vnto mans reason. Iustinian forbad ingrossings, because it was brought in not to the vtilitie, but to the destruction of the people. And because it was chiefely vsed in the Countrie of Palestine in respect of the slyme which there groweth, to wit, that some one man bought all that stuffe, that he alone might sell it abrode, and the Gretians call that slime ⟨…⟩: hereof it came to passe that those ingrossing of thinges are commonly called Asphalta. But in this place we saie that either this was no verie ingrossing, or else that whatsoeuer we reade here to bee doone, must not be drawne to an example, séeing we haue the commandement of God against it.

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← 72. The nineteenth Chapter. Of a seuerall · Contents · 74. The one & twentith Chapter. Of Troubles →

Footnotes

1. In Rom. 9. verse. 4. ↩

2. Wherein Nobilitie consisteth. ↩

3. A difference betwéene gentlemen and well borne men. ↩

4. A similitude. ↩

5. True nobilitie requireth to haue vertue ioyned with the prosperitie of fortune. ↩

6. The Hebrewes had their stocke pure and vnmixed. ↩

7. No Nation had Lawes so proper to them, as the Hebrewes had ↩

8. The co~mon wealth of the Iewes was most auncient. ↩

9. The wares of Troy in the time of Iephthe. ↩

10. Arguments against nobilitie. ↩

11. Iphicrates answere concerning the basenes of his parent age. ↩

12. Two similitudes. ↩

13. To what purpose these arguments are vsed. ↩

14. Nobilitie of kindred ioyned with vertue to profitable. ↩

15. God vnto the posterity of Saincts graunted many things. Rom. 9. 4. Exod. 20. 6. Gen. 49. 10 Num. 1. 47 & 3. 1. &c. ↩

16. Whether the Gentiles be more abiect than the Iewes. 1. Cor. 1. 26 ↩

17. To them that be graffed into Christ is co~municated all the nobilitie of Christ. Ephe. 5. 30, ↩

18. In Gen. 9. 5 Looke In 1. Sam. 4. 9 ↩

19. From whence came the name of Seruitude. ↩

20. Mancipia are goods, cattel, bondmen or captiues. ↩

21. The originall of seruitude. ↩

22. The cause of seruitude. ↩

23. Dan. 9. 5. ↩

24. Seruitude is a thing against mans nature. ↩

25. Gen. 1. 27. ↩

26. Bondage must not be reiected, and why. ↩

27. Ephe. 6. 5. Col. 3. 21. ↩

28. 1. Pet. 2. 18.
    ↩

29. Matt. 5. 45. ↩

30. How seruants must be vsed of their masters. Looke In 1. Sam. 30. 11. & 2. kings. 6. ver. 13. ↩

31. Gal. 3. 28. ↩

32. Ephe. 6. 9. Col. 4. 1. ↩

33. Verse. 13. ↩

34. Rom. 6. 18. ↩

35. In 2. kings. 4. ↩

36. Exod. 21. 2. What lot the debtors had among the Hebrewes. ↩

37. Verse. 25. ↩

38. The Ciuill Lawes as touching debtors. ↩

39. The lawes of God touching debtors. ↩

40. A seruant defined. ↩

41. Of the kindes of seruitude. ↩

42. Bondage mitigated by the laws of God. ↩

43. Leui. 25. 3⟨…⟩ ↩

44. Deu. 15. 12. ↩

45. Exod. 21. 2. ↩

46. 2. kings. 4. 1
    ↩

47. Ier. 34. 12. ↩

48. In 1. kings. 10. The traficke of Salomon. ↩

49. The licence that Salomon had touching the carying of horses out of Aegypt. ↩

50. ⟨…⟩. ↩

51. Ingrossing of wares forbidden. ↩

52. The notable act of Thales Milesius. ↩

53. The lowe Countries of Flanders, Holland, &c. ↩

54. The price of those horses which Salomon caried out of Aegypt. ↩

55. In Gen. 14. ↩