I. To the Right Honourable, and My Singular Good Lord, My Lord of Wiltshire?
Ir may please your lordship to be advertised, that the king his grace, my lady your
i
wife, my lady. Anne your daughter, be in good health, whereof thanks be to God.
As concerning the king his cause, master Raynolde Poole hath written a book? much contrary to the king his purpose, with such wit, that it appeareth that he might be for his wisdom of the council to the king his grace; and of such eloquence, that if it were set forth and known to the common people, I suppose it were not possible to persuade them to the contrary. The principal intent whereof is, that the king his grace should be content to commit his great cause to the judgment of the pope: wherein meseemeth he lacketh much judgment. But he suadeth that with such goodly eloquence, both of words and sentence, that he were like to persuade many: but me he persuadeth in that point nothing at all. But in many other things he satisfieth me very well. The sum whereof I shall shortly rehearse.
First, he sheweth the cause wherefore he had never pleasure to intromit himself in this cause, and that was the trouble which was like to ensue to this realm thereof by diversity of titles; whereof what hurt might come, we have had example in our fathers’ days by the titles of Lancaster and York. And whereas God hath given many noble gifts unto the king his grace, as well of body and mind, as also of fortune; yet this exceedeth all other, that in him all titles do meet and come together, and this realm is restored to tranquillity and peace: so oweth he to provide, that this land fall not again to the foresaid misery and trouble; which may come as well by the people within this realm, (which think surely that they have an heir lawful already, with whom they all be well content, and would be sorry to have any other, and it would be hard to persuade them to take any other, leaving her,) as also by the emperor, which is a man of so great power, the queen being his aunt, the princess his niece, whom he so much doth and ever hath favoured.
? The Letters of Abp. Cranmer have been col- mains of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. I. p. L.
[lated with and corrected by the original MSS., as [^ The book which Pole some years afterwards]
[far as has been practicable, for this edition: where declared he had delivered to Henry VIII. «with]
[they have not been found, a note is made to that secretness.” Vid. Burnet’s Hist. of the Reformat.]
[effect. ] Vol. III. Pt. 11. Appendix. Book 111. No. δ].]
[[? Thomas Boleyn, father of queen Anne Bo- pp. 159—163. Ed. Oxon. 1829. Beccatelli, who]
[leyn, was created earl of Wiltshire, Dec. 8, 1529.] wrote the life of cardinal Pole, and other authors, [^ Dr Jenkyns considers, that this letter was having made no reference to this book, led Anthony]
[probably written in June, 1531, whilst Cranmer à Wood to doubt whether it had ever been written,]
[was in England, after his return from Rome, where, Vid. Athena Oxon. Vol. I. col. 293. Ed. Bliss.]
[as ambassador, he had presented his book on the Lond. 1813—20. Phillips (Life of Reginald Pole,]
[divorce to the pope, and previously to his departure p. 66—68. Ed. Oxon. 1764) says that Pole first]
[to Germany on his mission to the emperor. He declared his opinion on the divorce to Henry VIII.]
[was probably residing at this time with the Boleyn personally, and afterwards, to soften the king’s dis-]
[family, as had been the case before he accompanied pleasure, “sent his reasons in writing, with an as-]
[the earl to Italy. See Todd’s Life of Abp. Cran- surance, which he knew would be acceptable, that]
[mer, Vol I p 30, where some errors of Strype the purport of the letter had been communicated to]
[respecting this letter are corrected. Jenkyns’s Re- nobody.” ]]
And where he heard reasons for the king his party, that he was moved of God his law, which doth straitly forbid, and that with many great threats, that no man shall marry his brother his wife: and as for the people, that longeth not to their judgment, and yet it is to be thought that they will be content, when they shall know that the ancient doctors of the church, and the determinations of so many great universities be of the king his sentence: and as concerning the emperor, if he be so unrightful that he will maintain an unjust cause, yet God will never fail them that stand upon his party, and for any thing will not transgress his commandments: and beside that, we shall not lack the aid of the French king, which partly for the league which he hath made with us, and partly for the displeasure and old grudge which he beareth toward the emperor, would be glad to have occasion to be avenged: these reasons he bringeth for the king’s party against his own opinion.
To which he maketh answer in this manner. First, as touching the law of God, he thinketh that if the king were pleased to take the contrary part, he might as well justify that, and have as good ground of the scripture therefore, as for that part which he now taketh. And yet if he thought the king’s party never so just, and that this his marriage were undoubtedly against God’s pleasure, then he could not deny but it should be well done for the king to refuse this marriage, and to take another wife: but that he should be a doer therein, and a setter forward thereof, he could never find in his heart. And yet he granteth that he hath no good reason therefore, but only affection! which he beareth and of duty oweth unto the king’s person. For in so doing he should not only weaken, yea and utterly take away the princess’ title, but also he must needs accuse the most and chief part of all the king’s life hitherto, which hath been so infortunate to live more than twenty years in a matrimony so shameful, so abominable, so bestial and against nature, (if it be so as the books which do defend the king’s party do say.) that the abomination thereof is naturally written and graven in every man’s heart, so that none excusation can be made by ignorance; and thus to accuse the noble nature of the king’s grace, and to take away the title of his succession, he could never find in his heart, were [the] king’s cause never so good; which he doth knowledge to be only affection.
Now as concerning the people, he thinketh not possible to satisfy them by learning or preaching; but as they now do begin to hate priests, this shall make them rather to hate much more both learned men and also the name of learning, and bring them in abomination of every man. For what loving men toward their prince would gladly hear, that either their prince should be so infortunate, to live so many years in matrimony so abominable; or that they should be taken and counted so bestial, to approve and take for lawful, and that so many years, a matrimony so unlawful and so much against nature, that every man in his heart naturally doth abhor it? and, that is more, when they hear this matrimony dispraised and spoken against, neither by their own minds, nor by reasons that be made against this matrimony, can they be persuaded to grudge against the matrimony; but for any thing they do grudge against the divorce, wherein the people should shew themselves no men but beasts. And that the people should be persuaded hereto, he cannot think it.
And as for the authority of the universities, he thinketh and sayeth that many times they be led by affections, which is well known to every man, and wisheth that they never did err in their determinations. Then he sheweth with how great difficulty the universities were brought to the king’s party. And moreover against the authority of the universities he setteth the authority of the king’s grace[‘s] father and his council, the queen’s father and his council, and the pope and his council.
Then he cometh again to the pope, and the emperor, and French king. And first the pope, how much he is adversary unto the king’s purpose, he hath shewed divers tokens already, and not without a cause: for if he should consent to the king’s purpose, he must needs do against his predecessors, and also restrain his own power more than it hath been in time past, which rather he would be glad to extend; and moreover he
[Therefore, only affection, Strype.]]
should set great sedition in many realms, as in Portugal, of which king the emperor hath married one sister, and the duke of Savoy the other. Then he extolleth the power of the emperor, and diminish[ eth] the aid of the French king toward us, saying, that the emperor, without drawing of any sword, but only by forbidding the course of merchandise into Flanders and Spain, may put this realm into great damage and ruin. And what if he will thereto draw his sword, wherein is so much power, which, being of much less power than he is now, subdued the pope and the French king? And as for the Frenchmen, [they] never used to keep league with us but for their own advantage, and we can never find in our hearts to trust them. And yet if now contrary to their old nature they keep their league, yet our nation shall think themselves in miserable condition, if they shall be compelled to trust upon their aid, which always have been our mortal enemies, and never we loved them, nor they us. And if the Frenchmen have any suspicion that this new matrimony shall not continue, then we shall have no succour of them, but upon such conditions as shall be intolerable to this realm. And if they, following their old nature and custom, then do break league with us, then we shall look for none other, but that England shall be a prey between the emperor and them. After all this he cometh to the point to save the king’s honour, saying, that the king standeth even upon the brink of the water, and yet he may save all his honour; but if he put forth his foot but one step forward, all his honour is drowned. And the means which he hath devised to save the king’s honour is this”.
The rest of this matter I must leave to shew your lordship by mouth when I speak with you, which I purpose, God willing, shall be to-morrow, if the king’s grace let me not. Now the bearer maketh such haste that I can write no more, but that I hear no word from my benefice, nor master Russell[’s] servant is not yet returned again, whereof I do not a little marvel. The king and my lady Anne rode yesterday to Windsor, and this night they be looked for again at Hampton Court: God be their guide, and preserve your lordship to his most pleasure. From Hampton Court this xii. day of June, [1531.]?
Your most humble beadman
THoMAs CRANMAR
To King Henry VIII
PrEAsETH it your highness to understand, that at my last solicitation unto Monsieur Grandeveile? for an answer of the contract of merchandise between the merchants of your grace’s realm, and the merchants of the emperors Low Countries, the said Monsieur Grandeveile shewed me, that forsomuch as the diet concerning the said contract was lately held in Flaundres, where the queen of Hungary? is governatrice, the emperor thought good to do nothing therein without her advice, but to make answer by her rather than by me. Wherefore it may please your grace no further to look for answer of me herein, but of the queen, unto whom the whole answer is committed.
[[^ As has been observed by Strype and Mr was appointed by a commission with instructions,]
[Todd, the beginning of the letter shews, that the Jan.24, 1531-2, wherein he was styled Consiliarius]
[means devised were, for the king to be content to Regius et ad Cesarem orator.” Vid. Strype’s Mem.]
[commit his great cause to the judgment of the of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. 1. p. 14. Ed. Oxon. 1840.]
[pope.” Vid, Jenkyns’ Remains of Abp. Cranmer, Also Seckendorf, Comment. de Lutheran. Lib. 111.]
[Vol. I. p. 5, n. d.] sect. 7. ὁ xvi. Add. p. 41. Ed. Francof. et Lips. [? Vid. Todd’s Life of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. I. 1692.]:]
[p. 30.] [9 Cranmer had divers conferences with M. [ So spelled in this single instance, the only one Grandeville, at Regensburgh. Strype’s Mem. of]
[in which it is written with the archbishop’s own Abp. Cranmer, Vol. I. p. 16. Ed. Oxon. 1840.]]
[hand. ] [7 Mary, the sister of Charles V., queen [^ This and the following letter are reports from dowager of Hungary, and governess of the Nether-]
[Cranmer whilst he was at the court of the emperor lands,” Jenkyns.]]
[Charles V. as sole ambassador, to which office he]
. Moreover, when the said Monsieur Grandeveile inquired of me, if I had any answer of the aid and subsidy which the emperor desired of your grace, I reported unto him fully your grace’s answer, according unto mine instructions sent unto me by your grace’s servant, William Paget. “Which answer he desired me to deliver him in writing, that he might refer the same truly unto the emperor; and so I did. Nevertheless the emperor, now at his departing’, hath had such importune business, that Monsieur Grandeveile assigned me to repair unto the emperor again at Lyntz; for there, he said, I shall have an answer again in writing. “The French ambassador and I with all diligence do make preparation to furnish ourselves of wagons, horses, ships, tents, and other things necessary to our voyage; but it will be at the least eight or ten days before we can be ready to depart hence. Yet we trust to be at Lyntz before the emperor; for he will tarry by the way at Passaw ten or twelve days.
As for the Turk, he resideth still in Hungary in the same place environed upon all parts, whereof I wrote unto your highness in my last letters. And the emperor departed from Abagh toward Vienna the second day of this month by land, not coming by this town; but the same day the king Ferdinando? departed from this town by water, and at Passaw, fourteen miles hence, they shall meet, and so pass forth unto Lyntz, which is the midway from hence unto. Vienna. And there the emperor will tarry to counsel what he will do?^: and there all the ambassadors shall know his pleasure, as Monsieur Grandeveile shewed me.
I have sent herewith unto your grace the copy of the emperor’s proclamation concerning a general council, and a reformation to be had in Germany for the controversies of the faith. Also I have sent the tax of all the states of the empire, how many soldiers every man is limited unto for the aid against the Turk. Wherein your grace may perceive, that the greatest prince in Germany (only the duke of Burgundy and Austry except) is not appointed above 120 horsemen and 554 footmen. Thus our Lord evermore have your highness in his preservation and governance. From Regenspurgh, the iv. day of September, [1532.]
Your graces most humble subject, chaplain, and beadman
TuowaAs CRANMER.
To Ring Henry Viii^
MS. PLEAsETH it your highness to understand, that [the emperor hath made] such P. speed in his journey toward Spayne, that [he hath travelled] two hundredth English miles from Vienna, and 15 [now at a] town called Villach, but six Dutch miles from Ttaly, [from whence, if] possible, he intendeth to pass the seas into Spayne bef[ore ChriJstmas. But in his passage through Italy he will speak [with the] pope, with whom, among other matters, I suppose he will tr[eat of] a general council to be had this next year to come, accordi[ng to his promise unto the princes of Almayne at this last di[et]?^. And I do think that he will not forget to make mention u[nto
[[! Viz. to take the command of the combined emperor against the Turks.” Vid. Seckendorf,]
[forces against the Turks. Vid. Letter III. infra.] Comment. Hist. Apol. de Lutheran, Lib. 111. sect,]
[[? Ferdinand was brother of Charles V. and his 4. $ix. p. 25. Ed. Francof. et Lips. 1692. (12);]
[successor in the empire. ] Robertson’s Life of Charles V. Vol. III. p. 57. Ed. [? Vid. Sleidan, De Statu Religionis et Reipub. Lond. 1787.]]
[Book virr.p. 167. Ed. Francof. 1568.] [? This letter being injured by fire, Dr Jenkyns]
[[^ Dr Jenkyns concludes that this was the has supplied some of the deficiencies by conjecture.]
[edict of August 3rd, 1532; by which the emperor, Vid. Remains of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. I. p. 8.]]
[on the conclusion of the treaty of Nuremberg, [5 He did not land in Spain till April 22, 1533.]
[announced a general peace in Germany until the Vid. Robertson’s Life of Charles V. Vol. III. p.]
[meeting of a general, christian, and free council. 63.]]
[The protestants on their part engaged to assist the [7 See note 4 supra.]
the] pope of your grace’s great cause; wherein I humbly beseech your highness that I may be instructed of your pleasure what I shall do. Because the said meeting should not much empech the emperor’s long [journey] into Spayne, he hath directed letters unto the pope, to meet him [at] some place in his way toward Genua. What place that shall be, is not yet known, as Monsieur Grandeveile informed me, but I shall certify your grace as soon as I shall have sure knowledge thereof. But I fear that the emperor will depart thence, before my letters shall may come unto your grace’s hands: and if not, I beseech your grace of instructions, what I shall entreat with your grace’s ambassadors unto the popes holiness, if we meet together, as I suppose we shall.
As touching the emperor army of Italians and Spaniards that came out of Italy, in their coming to Vienna by Isprugh, Passaw, Lyntz, and other places adjoining to the waters of Enus and Danubius, they have done great damage unto all the countries that they have passed by, as I wrote unto your highness in my last letters, dated the second day of this month; but now, in returning again into Italy by another way through Austria, Stiria, and Carinthia, the Italians have done much more harm. For eight thousand of them, which were conducted hither per comitem. Sancti Secundi, Martionem Colump.. comitem. Philippum. Tornierum, et Jo. Baptista Castoldum, for indignation that the emperor would not prosecute the Turk, and.for lack of payment of their wages, departed from the emperor and from their captains, and chose captain among themselves, and went before the emperor, spoiling and robbing all the countries of Austria, Stiria, and Carinthia, more than two hundredth English miles in length, as well churches as other houses, not leaving monstral nor the sacrament. And the men of arms that come with the emperor, and other that follow the court, do con[ sume] all that the other left, in such sort, that I, following two days after the emperor from Vienna, found in no town that was unwalled man, woman, nor child, meat, drink, nor bedding; but, thanked be God! I found straw, hay, and corn, for my horses to eat, and for myself and my servant to lie in, but the people were all fled into [the] mountains for fear.
The said Italians not only robbed the towns, but also ravished the [wo]men, and beat the men, and slew many. And yet cometh after the emperor [the] captain called Fabricius Maromaus’ with his band about three thousand, who brenneth up all the towns which before were but spoiled, as I am informed by two of my servants which I left at Vienna, the one sick, and the other to keep him: and they told me that all the towns by the way, so far as Fabricius Maromaus hath gone, be clean brent up, so much that not one house is standing, except in such strong holds as they could not attain unto. And yet one walled town they have entered into and spoiled, which the other that went before durst not attempt to assault; the name of it is Newmarkes, and a servant of mine was present, when they brake the gates and slew the porters. Of this sacking and brenning is like to ensue great penury and default of all victuals, and specially of corn; forsomuch as the corn here is brent up, whereupon the people should live this year, and sow their land against the next year. “Thus is this country miserably oppressed of all parties, but much more by them that came to defend this country, than it was by the Turks.
So that hitherto I can see no great fruit that hath succeeded of this puissant army assembled against the Turk. For it hath alienated the minds of the Almains from the Italians and Spaniards much more than ever they were before. And moreover, as far as I can understand, it hath not a little diminished the minds, as well of the
[8 Sir Edward Karne, Dr Bennet, and sir of the Reformat. Vol. I. p. 242. Ed. Oxon. 1829.]
[Thomas Elyot, were Henry VIII.’s ambassadors Strype’s Eccl. Mem. Vol. I. p. 341. Ed. Oxon.]
[with the pope at this time. In consequence of 1822; Mem. of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. I. p. 13. Ed.]
[queen Catharine’s appeal, an advocation of the Oxon. 1840; and State Papers, Vol. I. pp. 336,]
[divorce cause to Rome had been granted; and it 346, 347.]
[was now pressed by her party that the king should [? Vid, Knolles’ Hist. of the Turks, p. 625.]
[appear there by proxy. Henry refused, and was Ed. Lond. 1638.]]
[labouring to procure a commission to try the ques- [/? Discontent at the appointment of Fabricius]
[tion in England.” Vid. Jenkyns’ Remains of Abp. Maramaldus to the command was one of the causes]
[Cranmer, Vol. I. p. 9, who refers to Burnet’s Hist. of the mutiny. Id. p. 623.]]
Jtalians as Almains, towards the emperor, because that he so shortly hath dissolved the said army that came to him with so good courages, and he hath mot prosecuted the said enterprise against the Turk throughout all Hungary and Greece, according to their expectation; but now the men of arms be much displeased, [and many of them do say openly, that they will never return at his calling hereafter ]’.
And now the husbandmen of this country be in sucb a tumultuation for the loss of their goods and the brenning of their houses, that they muster together upon the mountains, and with guns and stones do slay many of the emperors people. And in divers places they come down from the mountains in the night, and do slay all the small companies that they may find sleeping. And many times they come down in the day in good companies, and rob carriages that do follow the court, and slay as many as will withstand them: so much that they have slain many gentlemen of the court; and yesterday they slew three or four gentlemen of Burgon, for whose death the emperor is right pensive. But the boors put no difference between one man and another, for all that go with the emperor be to them Italians and Spaniards. They have also slain the ambassador of Mantua, as the constant fame hath been here continually these three days. And the legate de Medices, at a town six miles hence called St Vite, was taken prison[er, but was released] by favour of the emperor’s letters; but after in another place [they would have] slain him, if he had not escaped with good horses; [they slew] one of his men of arms with an arquebuse, and took Mon. whom your grace knoweth right well, and he had been sl[ain by the stroke of] an halberd, if the stroke had not light short: nevertheless [his clothes] upon his breast were cut down with the stroke unto the bare [flesh]; and afterwards they led him into the mountains almost two days, and [would] have slain him, if one man had not been his friend. And [since] is word brought, that four of the said legate’s carriages be robbed, [which] came after the emperor; and every day we hear of much murder and [robbing done by the boors. And yet all these dangers, than[ ked be God, ] I have escaped; but these two days to come I shall be [in] more jeopardy of the boors, than I was at any time yet: nevertheless, he that conducted me safely hither, l trust he will likewise conduct me into Italy and Spain, and afterward to England again.
Don Ferdinando is not much beloved in these parts, neither of the princes that be adjoining to them, mor also of his own subjects. And this wasting of this country is E The passages in Italics were written in cypher to gain ground upon an enemy always attentive and in the original, but have been decyphered in the on his guard, marched back to Constantinople tomargin: those within brackets have been supplied wards the end of autumn.” Robertson’s Life of by Dr Jenkyns. Charles V. Vol. III. pp. 58, 9, quoted in Remains The protestants, as a testimony of their grati- of Cranmer. Cranmer appears to have given a tude to the emperor, exerted themselves with extra- more full account of this transaction than any ordinary zeal, and brought into the field forces that other writer. ’ Sed taxant hic Cesarem scrip-
[exceeded in number the quota imposed on them: tores Hungari, et cum iis Pallavicinus, Lib. 111.]
[the catholics imitating their example, one of the cap. xi. sect. 1, quod in Hispaniam ad uxorem,]
[greatest and best appointed armies that had ever prolis generandz cupidus, Ferdinando fratre deserto,]
[been levied in Germany assembled near Vienna. festinasset. Magna autem culpa pars pontifici tri-]
[Being joined by a body of Spanish and Italian buenda est. Hujus enim copiz, cum reliquias belli]
[veterans under the Marquis dal Guasto, by some in Pannonia persequi debuissent, seditione facta,]
[heavy-armed cavalry from the Low Countries, and Italiam repetierunt, hostiliter in ditione Austriaca]
[by the troops which Ferdinand had raised in Bo- incendiis grassatz, sic vindicare se dictitantes qua]
[hemia, Austria, and his other territories, it amounted Germani in Italia (sub Borbonio scilicet et Frans-]
[in all to ninety thousand disciplined foot, and pegio) patrassent.” Seckendorf, Comment. Hist.]
[thirty thousand horse, besides a prodigious swarm Apol. de Lutheran. Lib. 111. sect. 6. xi. p. 30.]]
[of irregulars Of this vast army, worthy the first [? The emperor ordered both the legate, cardinal]
[prince in Christendom, the emperor took the com- Hippolytus de Medici, and Pietro Maria Rosso, to]
[mand in person; and mankind waited in suspense whom the mutiny was ascribed, to be arrested, but]
[the issue of a decisive battle between the two he speedily set the cardinal at liberty with many]
[greatest monarchs in the world. But each of them apologies, and soon afterwards released Rosso also.]
[dreading the other’s power and good fortune, they Dr Jenkyns suggests that Cranmer’s account may]
[both conducted their operations with such excessive be suspected to be a different version of the same]
[caution, that a campaign, for which such immense transaction. Guicciardini, Istor. DItalia. Vol. X.]
[preparations had been made, ended without any ^ Lib, xx. p. 165. Ed. Milan. 1803.]]
[memorable event. Solyman, finding it impossible]
like to augment the murmur of the people against him; whereupon many men do fear an insurrection to follow very shortly, whereunto this commotion of the commons is a very preparative. Deus omnia vertat in gloriam suam: for hereof might follow such inconvenience as in many years after should be irrep[ arable].
Here hath appeared two hours before daylight every morning since the fifth or sixth day of this month a blazing star, called cometa, straight in the east, casting his beam upward, partly inclined toward the south, much whiter in colour than was the other that appeared the last year. And moreover many persons here do affirm, that they have seen above the moon a blue cross, which mine host in a city called Indiburs and all his household did see, as they shewed me. Other do say, that they have seen an horse-head flaming, other have seen a flaming sword. But of these other impressions I cannot assure your grace; for I saw no mo but the comet, which I saw within these two days. What strange things these tokens do signify to come hereafter, God knoweth: for they do not lightly appear, but against some great mutation; and it hath not be seen (as I suppose) that so ma[ny] comets have appeared in so short time.
err. RA ds a great infection of the plague, whereof is dead many of the em[perors household, and among other is dead Waldesius, a Spaniard, the em[perors chief secretary, and was in his singular favour. He was well learned in the Latin tongue, and partly in the Greek; and whensoever the emperor would have any thing well and exactly done in the Latin tongue, it was ever put to Waldesius; and I suppose that he made the draught of the answer of the emperor, which I sent unto your grace inclosed with my last letters.
In my journey I passed through the place where was the first battle against the fourteen thousand Turks that came to Ens, though many say they were but eight thousand. In which battle were captains of our party, Cassiander, born in Croatia, and two Turks which have been long time servants unto king Ferdinando; one is called Bacrespal, and the other Turk Waylande. But the Turks durst not abide for fear of duke Frederick, which was very near with six thousand horsemen and a great number of footmen. By the high way, as I rode almost two English miles, lay many dead men and horses, part of Christian, and part of Turks. But the great number were Turks. But to mine estimation, as much as I could view the ground, there was not slain upon both parties two thousand men. But after in another place were slain about two thousand Turks of the same band, and they slew again two or three thousand Spaniards arquebusiers at the same time, and took divers prisoners, whom they carried with them into Hungary. Beside that, from their first entering into Austria and Stiria until their returning into Hungary again, they slew in one place and other above fifteen or sixteen thousand christian men, and took many prisoners, and escaped themselves all but three or four thousand, which were slain as I have above written. This is the voice of this country, which I have now written unto your grace; but Monsieur Grandeveile shewed me otherwise, that all the said Turks were slain except two or three hundredth, as I wrote unto your grace in my last letters. Now I have signified unto your grace both the saying of Monsieur Grandeveile, and also the voice of this country, permitting unto your grace’s wisdom the judgment of both.
[? «This was the end of those wonderful pre- devastatis agris, nullum immanitatis genus praterparations made by the two great monarchs, Solyman mittit. Cum vero pedem referret, in nostros equites, and Charles V., in the year 1532, which held the qui fuerant emissi, ut rapinis et populationibus world in great suspense, with the fearfulexpectation illum prohiberent, incidit, et diversis locis ad interof some marvellous alteration; and so much the necionem prope concisus, tandem et ipse occumbit. more, for that at the same time appeared a great Sleidan, Destatu Religionis et Reipub. Book v i11. blazing star for the space of fifteen days.” Vid. p.167. Ed. Francof. 1668, Knolles (p. 622) asserts Knolles’ Hist. of the Turks, p. 626. —Per Septem- that this destruction befel a division of eight thoubrem et Octobrem visus hoc tempore cometa fuit sand men only, under Cason, and that the remainder ante solis ortum, Sleidan, De statu Religionis et escaped with little loss to Solyman. Dr Jenkyns Reipub. Book vir. p. 168. Ed. Francof. 1568. ] appears to think that Knolles has followed the
[[^ Solymannus.predatum emittit ad quinde- voice of the country,” Sleidan the statement of]
[cim equitum millia, duce Casono. Is Lincium Granvelle. Vid. Remains of Abp. Cranmer, Vol.]
[usque supra Viennam excurrit, et longe lateque I. p. 14, n. c.]]
This same day a doctor, chaplain to the bishop of Saltzburg, shewed me that the Turk prepareth another army; but I can hear no good ground thereof to give credence unto as yet: as soon as I can inquire the truth, I shall certify your grace thereof.
The king Ferdinando hitherto hath accompanied the emperor, and shortly he shall depart unto Isbrugh, where the queen is. And because that I must follow the emperor, I thought it good to salute him before his departure from the emperor, and to offer him my service, and to understand if be would any thing command me unto your grace; who [commended] him unto your highness, and said that forsomuch as the emperor [made your highness] participant of all the news here, it should not require [any other] news sent but only this, that the emperor and he have recei[ved letters from] sundry parts according in one thing, that Andrew Doria h[ad captivate and taken from the Turk Modona and Corona in Morea!, [with an]other strong hold, whereof he remembered not the name. But [because] that hitherto they have no letters thereof from Andrew Doria himself, they will not yet give firm credence thereto.
Moreover the emperor hath sent for the duke William of Bavaria to come to him, that before his departing out of Almayne he may conclu[de] peace between the king Ferdinando and the duke of Bavaria, lest that after his departing more inconven[iences] may fall than hath been heretofore.
The duke Dalby an Hispaniard came hither to help the emperor in his wars, and this same day is word come, that his brothers carriages, six mulettes, and fourteen horses be taken by the boors, and two of his servants slain, and the rest fled away. And this is done in the way which, by the grace of God, I must ride to-morrow.
As concerning the duke Frederick? the French ambassador advised me not to speak with him in the camp, for that should gender a suspicion unto the emperor; and after that the emperor had dissolved his army, duke Frederick incontinent departed with his band of the empire toward his own dominion by Regenspurg; so that L, going with the emperor another way, cou[ld] not speak with duke Frederick, to understand if he had any communication with the emperor in your grace’s cause. But the French ambassador, (which, coming to Vienna by the water of Danubius, left his horses at Pas-saw, almost two hundredth English miles from Vienna,) was compelled to leave the emperor, and in wagons to ride to his horses the same way that duke Frederick went. And he promised me to speak to duke Frederick in your grace’s cause, and to bring me an answer, which as soon as he cometh I shall send unto your grace. And thus Almighty God have your highness evermore in his preservation and governance! From Villach, the xxty day of October, [1532.]
Your highness
τ «.. chaplain and
[ες [Π Doria [Auria] ravaged the coasts of Pelopon- having left Ratisbon incognito, had a private con-]
[nesus, and took Coron, Patras, and Rhium, but not ference. Vid. Seckendorf, Comment. Hist. Apol.]
[Modon. Knolles’ Hist. of the Turks, pp. 626, 7.] Lib. 111. sect. 7. xvi. p. 414, Add.; Strype’s Mem.]
? This duke Frederick was probably John of Abp.Cranmer, Vol. I. pp.18, 19. Ed. Oxon, 1840.
[Frederick, duke of Saxony, who had lately suc- [? The signature is destroyed by fire.]]
[ceeded the elector John, with whom Cranmer,]
To Crumwell
Master Crumwell, in my right hearty wise I commend me to you; and likewise pray you to be good master unto mine old acquainted lover and friend master Newman this bearer, in such his suits as he at this time shall have unto you. And albeit I have diverse suits and causes of mine own to be made and moved unto you at our next meeting, which I have many times forgotten when I have been personally with you; yet I am so much beholding to the said Mr Newman for many considerations and respects, that I am thus bold to write unto you in his favour at this time, leaving mine own causes apart until our next meeting, or some other good opportunity of time, praying you to be as good unto him in the same, as ye shall be sure to have me ready at all times to shew you any pleasure that shall lie in me. At Chanon Rowe in Westminster, the viiith day of February, [1533.]
Your own assured and very loving good friend,
Tuowas ErEcr or Cawr.‘
To King Henry VIII
Przask it your highness, that where your grace’s great cause of matrimony is (as it is thought) through all Christianity divulgated, and in the mouths of the rude and ignorant common people of this your grace’s realm so talked of, that few of them do fear to report and say, thereof is likelihood hereafter to ensue great inconvenience, danger, and peril to this your grace’s realm, and much uncertainty of succession: by which things the said ignorant people be not a little offended: and forasmuch as it hath pleased Almighty Godand your grace of your abundant goodness to me shewed, to call me (albeit a poor wretch and much unworthy) unto this high and chargeable office of primate and archbishop in this your grace’s realm, wherein I beseech Almighty God to grant me his grace so to use and demean myself, as may be standing with his pleasure and the discharge of my conscience, and to the weal of this your grace’s realm: and considering also the obloquy and bruit, which daily doth spring and increase, of the clergy of this realm, and specially of the heads and presidents of the same, because they in this behalf do not foresee and provide such convenient remedies, as might expel and put out of doubt all such inconveniences, perils, and dangers, as the said rude and ignorant people do speak and talk to be imminent: I, your most humble orator and beadman, am, in consideration of the premises, urgently constrained at this time most humbly to beseech your most noble grace, that where the office and duty of the archbishop of Canterbury, by your and your progenitors’ sufferance and grants, is to direct, order, judge, and determine causes spiritual in this your grace’s realm; and because I would be right loth, and also it shall not become me, forasmuch as your grace is my prince and sovereign, to enterprise any part of my offiee in the said weighty cause touching your highness, without your grace’s favour and licence obtained in that behalf: it may please, therefore, your most excellent majesty (considerations had to the premises, and to my most bounden duty towards your highness, your realm, succession, and posterity, and for the exoneration of my conscience towards Almighty God) to license me, according to mine office and duty, to proceed to the examination, final determination, and judgment in the said great cause touching your
[[ Eleven bulls, the last which were received in against procuring more bulls from Rome, in order]
[the reign of Henry VIIL, were sent by the pope, that he might not begin the breach till forced to it]
[Clement VII., for Cranmer’s promotion to the by Clement VII. The consecration of Cranmer by]
[archbishoprick of Canterbury. The first eight bear the bishops of Lincoln, Exeter, and St Asaph, took]
[date Feb. 21, the ninth Feb. 22, the tenth and place on March 30, 1533. Vid. Burnet’s Hist. of]
[eleventh, March 2, 1533. Henry VIII. had ap- Reformat. Vol. I. pp. 259, 60. Ed. Oxon. 1829;]
[plied for them to the pope at the end of the pre- Strype’s Mem. of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. I. pp. 26, 7.]
[ceding January, though a statute had been passed Ed. Oxon. 184
highness: eftsoons, as prostrate at the feet of your majesty, beseeching the same to pardon me of these my bold and rude letters, and the same to accept and take in good sense and part as I do mean; which, calling our Lord to record, is only for the zeal that I have to the causes aforesaid, and for none other intent and purpose. From my manor at Lamhith, the 11th day of April, in the first year of my consecration’, [1533.7]
Your highness’ most humble beadsman and chaplain
Thomas CANTUAR. To the king’s highness, from the Archbishop
of Cant. at Lambyth, the xi. day of
April, the avv. year of your reign.
Please it your highness, that where your grace’s great cause of matrimony is, as it is thought, bid through all Christianity divulgated, and in the mouths of the rude and ignorant common people of this your grace’s realm so talked of, that few of them do fear to report and say, that thereof is likelihood hereafter to ensue great inconvenience, danger, and peril to this your grace’s realm, and much uncertainty
[[! This letter is wholly in the archbishop’s if the said cause of matrimony should be suffered]
[hand-writing; and it is not a little singular, that still to continue in question, undecided; and also re-]
[another letter of the same date, and nearly of the ducing to your remembrance the great blame that]
[same tenor, likewise written by the archbishop him- hath been arrected to the clergy of thisour realm, and]
[self, is preserved in the State Paper office. They specially to the heads and presidents of the same,]
[both bear the marks of having been folded and because they have not hitherto studied and travailed]
[sealed, and of having been received by the king. forremedies to exclude and put out of doubt such un-]
[It is so difficult to conjecture why they were both certainty, inconveniences, perils, and dangers; being]
[written, and why they differed from each other, that moved in your conscience by reason of the premises]
[the second is subjoined.” Note to State Papers, to endeavour yourself as far as you may, by reason]
[Vol. I. p. 391. This Letter is thus endorsed, of your said office of primacy, to set some direction]
[either in Paget’s or Wriothesley’s hand-writing, and end in the said cause of matrimony, according]
[most probably by the latter: Letters from the to the pleasure of Almighty God. And thereupon]
[Bishop of Canterbury, monitory to the king’s high- ye duly recognising, that it becometh you not,]
[ness, with others written in the time of his process, being our subject, to enterprise any part of your said]
[and the copy of the sentence subscribed by two office, in so great and weighty cause pertaining to us,]
[notaries.” The first of these letters is that which being your prince and sovereign, without our licence]
[was entered by Cranmer’s secretary in his book of obtained so to do; and therefore, in your most]
[copies, Harl. MSS. 6148. humble wise ye supply unto us, in your said letters,]
[The following answer of Henry VIII. to Abp. to grant unto you our licence to proceed to the exa-]
[Cranmer, granting him licence to proceed to the mination and final determination of the said cause,]
[final determination of his cause of matrimony, may in exoneration of your conscience towards God, and]
[be seen in the State Papers, Vol. I. Part 1r. p. 392, for the satisfying of your bounden duty towards us,]
[from which it is here inserted. our realm, succession and posterity, in avoiding of]
[King Henry VIII.’s letter to archbishop Cranmer, the said inconveniences; and, finally, in the end of]
[authorising him to give a final determination your said letters, ye beseech us to pardon your bold-]
[concerning the marriage between the king and ness and rude writing in that behalf, and to take the]
[Catharine of Spain. same in good sense and part, as you do mean, calling]
[Ex Biblioth. Most Reverend Father, &c., we greet you well. God to your record, that only for the zeal that ye]
[B uei 5 Doing you to understand, that the 12th day of this have to the premises, ye have written your said let-]
[A.p.1503. month of April we receive letters from you, dated at ters, and for none other intent, cause, or purpose.]
[Lambeth the 11 day of the same month, in which My lord, where you write in the last part of your]
[letters ye writ, that, forasmuch as our great cause of said letters, whereunto we make you first answer,]
[matrimony, which has long depended in question, that ye be moved only by the zeal that ye have to]
[is divulgated (as it is thought) throughout all justice, and for the exoneration of your conscience]
[Christente, and it is communed of the mouths of against God, to write as you do unto us; we cannot]
[no small number of our people; and that many of of reason be discontented therewith, but condignly]
[them fear not to say and report, that thereof is praise you therein. And for that we perceive that ye]
[likelihood hereafter to ensue great inconveniences, have such a good mind and fervent zeal to do justice]
[dangers, and perils to this realm, and much un- according to your office, for the quieting of our]
[certainty to our succession, whereby our said people realm, and for the excluding of such dangers and]
[is seen to be not a little offended: whereupon ye, perils as be in your said letters mentioned; and also]
[whom God and we have ordained archbishop of for putting our succession and posterity out of ques-]
[Canterbury, and primate of all this our realm of tion, doubt, and uncertainty; we cannot but much]
[England, to whose office it hath been, and is, apper- commend and laud your good and virtuous intended]
[taining, by the sufferance of us and our progenitors, purpose on that behalf. In consideration whereof,]
[as ye write yourself both justly and truly, to order, albeit we, being your king and sovereign, do recog-]
[Judge, and determine mere spiritual causes within nise no superiorin earth, but only God, and not being]
[this our realm, having due consideration to the subjectto thelawsof any other earthly creature; yet,]
[said inconveniences, dangers, perils, and incertainty, because ye be under us, by God’s calling and ours, the]
of succession; by which things the said ignorant people be not a little offended: and forasmuch as it hath is pleased Almighty God, and your grace of your abundant goodness to me shewed, to call me, albeit a poor wretch and much unworthy, unto this high and chargeable office of primate and archbishop in this your grace’s realm, wherein I beseech Almighty God to grant me his grace so to use and demean myself, as may be standing with his pleasure, and the discharge of my conscience, and to the weal of this your grace’s said realm: and considering also the obloquy and bruit, which daily doth spring and increase, of the clergy of this realm, and specially of the heads and presidents of the same, because they in this behalf do not foresee and provide convenient remedies, as might expel and put out of doubt all such inconveniences, perils and dangers, as the said rude and ignorant people do speak and talk to be imminent: I, your most humble orator and beadman, am, in consideration of the premises, urgently constrained at this time most humbly to beseech your most noble grace, that where my office and duty is, by your and your predecessors’ sufferance and grants, to direct and order causes spiritual in this your grace’s realm, according to the laws of God and holy church, and for relief of all manner griefs and infirmities of the people, God’s subjects and yours, happening in the said spiritual causes, to provide such remedy as shall be thought most convenient for their help and relief in that behalf; and because I would be right loth, and also it shall not become me, forasmuch as your grace is my prince and sovereign, to enterprise any part of my office in the said weighty cause without your graces favour obtained, and pleasure therein first known: it may please the same to ascertain me of your grace’s pleasure in the premises, to the intent that, the same known, I may proceed, for my discharge afore God, to the execution of my said office and duty, according to his calling and yours: beseeching your highness most humbly upon my knees, to pardon me of these my bold and rude letters, and the same to accept and take in good sense and part. From my manor at Lamhith, the 11th day of April, in the first year of my consecration.
“Your highness’ most humble beadsman and chaplain
“To the king’s highness, from the Bishop of Canter. “Trnomas CANTUAR.” at Lambythe, the xi. day of April, the xxv. year of your reign.”
To Crumwell
Rianr worshipful Mr Crumwell, in my hearty manner I commend me to you; likewise praying you to have in good remembrance mine old suit for the receipt of Mr Benet’s advowson of the benefice of Barnake, that the same may be delivered to my hands and custody, to the use of my friend for whom I have thus long sued; and that it may please you, in case ye have not already spoken to master Benet’s factor in that behalf, to send this bearer my secretary, or some trusty servant of yours, with your letters or token, and with the same letters which ye have received from Mr Benet for the grant of the same advowson, to receive the same in your name. I am informed that the incumbent is very sick, and in great danger and peril of life; which thing moveth me to be the more importune in calling upon you in the premises, praying you to continue your good mind and favour in this and in all other my suits unto you hereafter, for which, and all other your kindness heretofore shewed, ye shall have me your own assured always during my life. At Lamhith, the 21 day of April.
Your own assured
TnoMas CANTUAR. To the right worshipful and my very loving friend. Mr Crumwell, one of the king’s graces most honourable council. most principal minister of our spiritual jurisdiction, signed with our sign manual, do license you to prowithin this our realm, who wethink assuredly is soin ceed in the said cause, and to the examination and the fear of God, and love towards the observance of final determination of the same; not doubting but his laws, to the which laws we as a christian king have that ye will have God and the justice of the said always heretofore, and shall ever mostobedientlysub- cause only before your eyes, and not to regard any mit ourself, will not therefore refuse (our pre-emi- earthly or worldly affection therein. For assuredly, nence and authority to us and our successors, in this the thing that we most covet in this world is to behalf, nevertheless saved) your humble request, proceed, in all our acts and doings, as may be most offer, and towardness; that is, to mean to make acceptable to the pleasure of Almighty God, our an end, according to the will and pleasure of Al- Creator, and to the wealth, honour of us, our suci mighty God, in our said great cause of matrimony, cession and posterity, and the surety of our realm, which hath so long depended undetermined, to our and subjects within the same.] ὃ great and grievous inquietness and burthen of our [5 Barnack in Northamptonshire, near Stamford.) Ἢ conscience. Wherefore we, inclining to your humble [? Apparently Newman. Dr Jenkyns’ Remains j petition, by these our letters sealed with ourseal, and of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. I. p. 17, ». m.]
v. 11. TO THE ABBOT OF ST AUGUSTIN’S, CANTERBURY.
besides Canterbury.
VIII. To the Abbot of Westminster”
IN my right hearty wise I commend me unto you, &c. And where it is so, as 21 am credibly informed, that at this season there is a place or room of a vicar void within the college? of St Marteyns, in the city of London, by the death of one master Framton, late incumbent there, (where also you are dean,) and as I understand as yet not appointed or named to any person: in consideration whereof, and forasmuch as now it lieth in you by reason of your deanery to do pleasure therein; I heartily require you to shew your lawful favour herein, in preferment of this said room, unto this bearer sir John Smythe, one of the same college; that forasmuch as he being both of honest conversation and good name, thereby may have the more furtherance in this behalf before another stranger, not being your friend and acquaintance, and in thus so doing you shall deserve of me like commodity. And thus fare you well. From our manor of Mortelacke, the ivth day of May.
To Crumwell
Rianr worshipful Mr Crumwell, in my right hearty manner I commend me to
Sie
you: advertising you that I have received your letters, by which ye write that the 4 “i 1. 11:.: prior of St Gregorie’s in Canterbury is willing to resign his room and office there;
wherefore your desire is, that I shall take and accept such a person to the same room — as ye shall name unto me, promising to provide one, that not only for his discretion,. ςς… d good learning, and religious life, but also for many other his commendable merits an qualities, shall be right apt and meet to supply the said room.
[[! John Sturvey, alias Essex, abbot of St Au- spoliation of the chapter. By his conduct on the]
[gustin’s, Canterbury, from 1523 to the dissolution. latter occasion, says Heylyn, he saved the deanery,]
[Willis’ Hist. of Abbeys, Vol. I. p. 54. Ed. Lond. but lost himself; for calling to remembrance, that]
[1718.] formerly hehad been a means to surrender the abbey, [? « William Boston, according to his oath in and was now forced on the necessity of dilapidating]
[Rymer, or Benson, according to his will, was the the estate of the deanery, he fell into a great dis-]
[last abbot, and the first dean of Westminster. Some quiet of mind, which brought him to his death]
[estimate may be formed of his character from his within a few months after.” Burnet’s Hist. of Re- y]
[memorable argument on the oath of succession. format. Vol. I. p. 316; Willis’ Hist. of Abbeys,]
[When sir Thomas More pleaded his conscience for Vol. I. p 207; Heylyn, Eccles. Restaur. Edw. VI.]
[refusing it, he was told by the pliant abbot, that he p. 61. Ed. Lond. 1674.” Jenkyns’ Remains of]
[might see his conscience was erroneous, since the Abp. Cranmer, Vol. I. pp. 18, 19.]]
[great council of the realm was of another mind; and [? The college of St Martin le Grand, within]
[therefore he ought to change his conscience.” With Aldersgate, granted by Henry VII. to the abbot]
[this laxity of principle, it excites no surprise that and convent of Westminster. Newcourt’s Reper-]
[under Henry VIII. he acquiesced in the dissolution torium, Vol. I. p. 424. Ed. Lond. 1708.]]
[of the monastery, and under Edward VI. in the]
Master Crumwell, as touching this behalf, or any other thing wherein I may law- - fully shew you any pleasure, ye shall be as well assured of the same as ye would be willing to desire it of me. But the truth is, that in my mind I am entirely resolved to. prefer to the same office, and all such other when the same shall be void, some such one person as was professed in the same house, δέ sic de eodem, gremio, if amy such shall be found apt and meet in the same house for it; for as long as there may be had some one meet for that room in the same house, I do think it much inconvenient for many considerations to provide a stranger to be head and ruler there. If there be none so apt and meet in the said house for the said office as the law will require, then I will be glad to provide the most meetest that can be found in any other place, of the same rule, habit, and religion, of whose sufficiency and ability I ought, if I do my office and duty, to have good experience and knowledge myself, afore that I will admit or prefer him: and forasmuch as I do not know the person whom ye would prefer to this office, and ‘to the intent also that I may inquire of his learning, living, and of other his good qualities, I pray you that I may be ascertained of his name, and of the place where he doth demore; and that done, I will hereafter in this behalf make you such further answer as I trust ye shall be pleased withal: albeit the bringer of your letters and bearer hereof shewed me, that ye did write your said letters for him and in his favour; which thing, I assure you, moveth me to take longer respite in this behalf. Ye do know what ambition and desire of promotion is in men of the church, and what indirect means they do use and have used to obtain their purpose; which their unreasonable desires and appetites I do trust that ye will be more ready to oppress and extinguish, than to favour or further the same; and I remit to your wisdom and judgment, what an unreasonable thing it is for a man to labour for his own promotion spiritual. At Mortlake, the vith day of May.
Your own assured
Tuowas CANTUAR. To the right worshipful and my very loving
friend master Crumwell, of the king’s
graces most honourable council.
To King Henry VIII
Your highness most humble beadman and chaplain
Tuowas CaNTUAR. To the king’s highness, from the Bishop of
Canter. at Dunstable, the vii. day of
May, the xxv. year of your reign.
[[ Demore: sojourn, dwell. Lat. demoror.] [ CRANMER, 11. ] i]
XI. to King Henry VIII. Wr Res
PLease it your highness to be advertised, that your grace’s great matter is now Drought to a final sentence, to be given upon Friday now next ensuing. And because He every day in the next week! shall be ferial, except Friday and Saturday, therefore I cannot assign any shorter time ad audiendam sententiam, than in the said Friday: at which time I trust so to endeavour myself further in this behalf, as shall become me to do, to the pleasure of Almighty God, and the mere truth of the matter. From Dunstable, the 17th of May, [1533.]
Your highness” most humble beadsman and chaplain
TuoMAS CANTUAR. To the king’s highness, from the Bishop of
Cant. at Dunstable, the xdu. day of
May, the eae. year of your reign.
XII. To Crumwell
Rigur worshipful master Crumwell, in my right hearty w[ise] I commend me to you: and likewise I thank you for your two [/etters] and good advertisement by the same, which I trust I have hitherto] satisfied, according to such trust and expectation as the king[s highness hath in me; for where I never yet went about to [injure] willingly any man living, I would be loth now to begin [4275/74] my prince, and defraud him of his trust in me. And therefore [7] have used all the expedition that I might conveniently use in th[e Zing’s] behalf, and have brought the matter to a final sentence, to [be] given upon Friday next ensuing. Because every day in t[/2] next week shall be ferial, except Friday and Saturday, therefore 7] cannot assign any shorter time ad audiendam, sententiam, than. Friday: at which time I trust so to endeavour myself furthe[ 22] this behalf, as shall become me to do, to the pleasure of Almigh[zy God, and the mere truth of the matter. Furthermore I pray y[ow fo] think no unkindness in me, for that I have not hitherto [advertised] you of such process as I have made in this matter; for I [assure] you I have not hitherto written unto the queen’s grace,. neither to no man living, but only to the king’s highness. [For] divers considerations I do think it right expedient, that [44e matter] and the process of the same be kept secret for a time; [therefore] 1 pray you to make no relation thereof, as I know w[e// you] will not. For if the noble lady Catherine should, by the [ruit of ] this matter in the mouths of the inhabitants of the [country, or] by her friends or counsel hearing of this bruit, be [moved, stirred, counselled, or persuaded, to appear afore me in the ti[me, or afore] the time of sentence, I should be thereby greatly staye[ d and let] in the process, and the king’s grace’s counsel here pre[sent shall be] much uncertain what shall be then further done the[rein. For a] great bruit and voice of the people in this behalf [might perchance] move her to do that thing herein, which peradventure [she would] not do, if she shall hear little of it. And therefore I [pray you] to speak as little of this matter as ye may, and to [move the] king’s
[[! «This is stated in a note to the State Papers to Restaur. Qu. Mary, p. 177. Ed. Lond. 1674. Some]
[have been the week preceding Whitsunday; butitwill others are supplied from Dr Jenkyns’ conjectures,]
[be seen by the letter to Hawkyns, No. x1v. (p. 244) and are printed in Italic type. ]]
[that it was the second week before Whitsunday, or (? Crumwell, however, was not ignorant of the]
[Rogation week; for Cranmer there says, that he proceedings, having received an account of them]
[gave final sentence the morrow after Ascension-day.’ from Bedyll, one of the counsellors in the law for]
[And in that week, according to his remark, every day the king’s part,’ in a letter dated the 12th of May.]
[before Friday was ferial; Monday, Tuesday, Wed- It is there stated, that my lord of Canterbury]
[nesday, the three Rogation days, being fasts, and handleth himself very well, and very uprightly,]
[Ascension-day or Holy Thursday being a festival.” without any evident cause of suspicion to be noted]
[Jenkyns’ Remains of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. I. p. 24.] in him by the counsel of the lady Katerine, if she [2 This letter has been much injured by fire. had had any present there.” State Papers, Vol. I.]
[Several of the defects in the latter part of it are p. 305.” Id. ibid. p. 25.]]
[À filled up from an extract printed by Heylyn, Eccles.]
(oc highness in like wise so to do, for the conside[rations above] recited. And this my opinion in this behalf not[ withstanding, I] do refer all and singular the premises to the king’s [ pleasure] and judgment. From Dunstaple, the xviith d[ ay of May] [1533.7]
Your assur
T HOM. «rove dre
XIII. To King Henry VIII
PLEASE it your highness to be advertised, that this 23” day of this present month of May, I have given sentence in your graces great and weighty cause; the copy whereof I have sent unto your highness by this bearer, Richard Watkyns. And
Error a I
[^ The remainder of the signature is destroyed comparante, dicta vero serenissima domina Catharina by fire.] per contumaciam absente, cujusabsentia divina repleThe sentence of divorce. atur praesentia; de consilio jurisperitorum et theologo- 5 H. 8. Anno incarnationis millesimo quingentesimo rum, cum quibus in hac parte communicavimus, ad tricesimo tertio, indictione sexta, Clementis papa sententiam nostram definitivam sive finale decretum decimo, mensis Maii vicesimo tertio, in ecclesia nostrum in dicta causa ferendam sive ferendum sic In conventuali monasterii Sancti Petri Dunstablie, duximus procedendum, et procedimus in hunc monus, ordinis Sancti Augustini Lincoln. Dioces. nostri dum. Quia per acta, infactitata, deducta, proposita, A Cantuariensis provinciz. exhibita, et allegata, probata pariter et confessata, In Dei nomine, Amen. Nos Thomas, permis- articulataque, capitulata, partis responsa, testium sion divina, Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus, totius depositiones, et dicta instrumenta, munimenta, li-
[Anglia primas, et apostolica sedis legatus, in qua- teras, scripturas, censuras, conclusiones magistrales,]
[dam causa inquisitionis de et super viribus matri- opiniones, consilia, assertiones, aflirmationes, trac-]
[monii, inter illustrissimum et potentissimum prin- tatus et feedera pacis, processus, res alias, et cetera]
[cipem et dominum nostrum Henricum octavum, praemissa coram nobis in dicta causa respective]
[Dei gratia Anglie et Francie regem, fidei de- habita, gesta, facta, exhibita, et producta; nec non]
[fensorem, et dominum Hiberniz, ac serenissimam ex eisdem, et diversis aliis ex causis et considera-]
[dominam Catharinam, nobilis memorie Ferdi- tionibus, argumentisque, et probationum generibus]
[nandi Hispaniarum regis filiam, contract et consum- variis, et multiplicibus validis quidem et efficacibus,]
[mati, qua coram nobis in judicio ex officio nostro quibus animum nostrum in hac parte ad plenum in-]
[mero aliquamdiu vertebatur, et adhuc vertitur, et formavimus, plene et evidenter invenimus et com-]
[pendet indecisa, rite et legitime procedentes, visis perimus dictum matrimonium inter prefatos illus-]
[primitus per nos et diligenter inspectis articulis trissimum et potentissimum principem et dominum]
[sive capitulis in dicta causa objectis et ministratis, nostrum Henricum octavum, ac serenissimam domi-]
[una cum responsis eis ex parte dicti illustrissimi nam Catharinam, ut premittitur, contractum et con-]
[et potentissimi principis Henrici octavi factis et summatum nullum et omnino invalidum fuisse et]
[redditis, visisque et similiter per nos inspectis esse, ac divino jure prohibente contractum et con-]
[plurimorum nobilium et aliorum testium fide dig- summatum extitisse: idcirco nos Thomas archi-]
[norum dictis et depositionibus in eadem causa episcopus primas et legatus antedictus, Christi]
[habitis et factis, visisque przterea et similiter per nomine primitus invocato, ac solum Deum prz oculis]
[nos inspectis, quam plurium 2, fere totius Chris- nostrishabentes, pronullitate et invaliditate dicti ma-]
[tiani orbis principalium academiarum censuris seu trimonii pronunciamus, decernimus, et declaramus,]
[conclusionibus magistralibus, etiam tam theolo- ipsumque pratensum matrimonium fuisseet esse nul-]
[gorum quam jurisperitorum responsis et opinionibus, lum etinvalidum, ac divino jure prohibente contrac-]
[utriusque denique provincie Anglieanz conciliorum tumet consummatum, nulliusque valorisaut momenti]
[provincialium assertionibus et affirmationibus, aliis- esse, sed viribus et firmitate juris caruisse et carere,]
[que salutaribus monitis et doctrinis super dicto prafatoque illustrissimo et potentissimo principi]
[matrimonio desuper respective habitis et factis; Henricooctavo,etserenissima dominz Catharina non]
[visisque ulterius, et pari modo per nos inspectis, trac- licere in eodem pratenso matrimonio remanere, etiam]
[tatibus seu feederibus? pacis et amicitie inter peren- pronunciamus, decernimus et declaramus; ipsosque]
[nis fama Henricum septimum nuper regem An- illustrissimumetpotentissimum principem Henricum]
[glie, et dictum nobilis memorie Ferdinandum octavum, ac serenissimam dominam Catharinam,]
[nuper regem Hispania desuper initis et factis; quatenus de facto et non de jure dictum przetensum]
[visis quoque peramplius, et diligenter per nos in- matrimonium ad invicem contraxerunt et consum-]
[spectis, omnibus et singulis actis, actitatis, literis, marunt, ab invicem separamus et divorciamus, atque]
[processibus, instrumentis, scripturis, munimentis, sic divorciatos et seperatos, nec non ab omni vinculo]
[rebusque aliis universis in dicta causa quomodo- matrimoniali respectu dicti preetensi matrimonii]
[libet gestis et factis, ac his omnibus et singulis per liberos et immunes fuisse et esse, pronunciamus,]
[nos visis et inspectis, atque a nobis cum diligentia decernimus, et declaramus, per hanc nostram sen-]
[et maturitate ponderatis et recensitis, servatisque tentiam definitivam, sive hoc nostrum finale decre-]
[ulterius per nos in hac parte de jure servandis, nec tum, quam sive quod ferimus et promulgamus in]
[non partibus przedictis, videlicet praefato illustrissimo his scriptis. In quorum promissorum fidem et testi-]
[et potentissimo principe Henrico octavo perejus pro- monium, has literas nostras testimoniales, sive prze-]
[curatorem idoneum coramnobisindictacausalegitime sens publicum sententiz vel decreti instrumentum,]
[. [! This is found in Burnet.] (? Quam plurimum. Ibid.] [8 Pactis seu federibus. 1hid.] 16—29]
where I was by the letters of Mr Thurlesby, your grace’s chaplain, advertised of your grace’s pleasure, that I should cause your grace’s counsel to conceive a procuracy concerning the second matrimony, I have sent the said letters unto them, and required them to do according to the tenor thereof: most humbly beseeching your highness, that I may know your graces further pleasure concerning the same matrimony, as soon as your grace with your council shall be perfectly resolved therein. For the time of the coronation is so instant and so near at hand, that the matter requireth good expedition to be had in the same. And thus our Lord have your highness evermore in his blessed tuition and governance. From Dunstable, the 23” day of May, [1533.].
Your highness’ most humble chaplain and beadsman
Tuowas CANTUAR. To the king’s highness, from the Archbishop of
Cant. at Dunstable, the zziii. day of May.
XIV. To Archdeacon Hawkyns
IN my most hearty wise I commend me unto you, and even so would be right 7 glad to hear of your welfare, &c. These be to advertise you, that inasmuch as you now and then take some pains in writing unto me, I would be loth you should think vour labour utterly lost and forgotten for lack of writing again: therefore, and because 1 reckon you be some deal desirous of such news as hath been here with us of late in Bist the king’s grace’s matters, I intend to inform you a part thereof, according to the tenor ga and purport used in that behalf.
And first, as touching the final determination and concluding of the matter of divorce between my lady Katherine and the king’s grace, which said matter, after the convocation im that behalf had determined and agreed according to the former consent of the universities, it was thought convenient by the king and his learned counsel, that I should repair unto Dunstable, which is within four miles unto Ampthill, where the said lady Katherine keepeth her house, and there to call her before me to hear the final sentence in the said matter. Notwithstanding, she would not at all obey thereunto; for when she was by doctor Lee cited to appear by a day, she utterly refused the same, saying, that inasmuch as her cause was before the pope, she would have none other judge; and therefore would not take me for her judge.
Nevertheless the viiith day of May, according to the said appointment, I came unto Dunstable, my lord of Lincoln being assistant unto me, and my lord of Wynchester, doctor Bell, Dr Claybroke, Dr Trygonnell, Dr Hewis, Dr Olyver, Dr Brytten, Mr Bedell^, with divers other learned in the law, being counsellors in the law for the king’s part: and so there at our coming kept a court for the appearance of the said lady Katherine, where were examined certain witness which testified that she was lawfully
[exinde fieri ac per notarios publicos subscriptos, materially.]]
[scribas et actuarios nostros in ea parte specialiter [! The coronation took place on Whitsunday,]
[assumptos, scribi et signari, nostrique sigilli ap- the Ist of June. DBurnet’s Hist. of Reformat. Vol.]
[pensione jussimus et fecimus communiri, I. p. 266.] He likewise passed judgment (confirming the [ἢ Nicholas Hawkyns, archdeacon of Ely, suc-]
[king’s marriage with queen Ann) at Lambeth, May ceeded Cranmer as ambassador to the emperor]
[28 1533, which is in the same Inspeximus.” The Charles V.” Jenkyns.]]
[sentence of divorce here follows Rymer’s Federa, [? John Longland, the king’s confessor.]]
[Vol. XIV. p. 462-4, and has been collated with [ Stephen Gardiner. ]]
[Kennet’s Hist. of England, Vol. II. Lord Her- [. Vid. p. 242, n. 3. Thomas Bedyl, who was]
[bert’s Life of Henry VIII. pp. 163, 4, and with clerk of the council, a learned man, and much made]
[Burnet’s Hist. of Reformat. Vol. I. Pt. 1. App. use of by Crumwell.” Strype’s Eccles. Mem. Vol.]
[Book 11. No. xlvii. pp. 190—192. Ed. Oxon. 1829, I. p. 299. Ed. Oxon. 1822.]]
[the readings of which differ in places, but not]
cited and called to appear, whom for fault of appearance was declared contumacz; proceeding in the said cause against her in penam. contumacie”, as the process of the ἔ law thereunto belongeth; which continued fifteen days after our coming thither. And the morrow after Ascension-day I gave final sentence therein, how that it was indispensable for the pope to license any such marriages.
This done, and after our rejourneying home again, the king’s highness prepared all things convenient for the coronation of the queen’, which also was after such a manner as followeth.
The Thursday next before the feast of Pentecost, the king and the queen being at Grenewich, all the crafts of London thereunto well appointed, in several barges decked after the most gorgeous and sumptuous manner, with divers pageants thereunto belonging, repaired and waited all together upon the mayor of London; and so well furnished came all unto Grenewich, where they tarried and waited for the queen’s coming to her barge: which so done, they brought her unto the Tower, trumpets, shambes, and other divers instruments all the ways playing and making great melody, which, as is reported, was so comely done as never was like in any time nigh to our remembrance.
And so her grace came to the Tower on Thursday at night, about five of the clock, where also was such a peal of guns as hath not been heard like a great while before. And the same night, and Friday all day, the king and queen tarried there; and on Friday at night the king’s grace made eighteen knights of the Dath, whose creation was not alonely so strange to hear of, as also their garments stranger to behold or look on, which said knights the next day, which was Saturday, rid before the queen’s grace throughout the city of London towards Westminster palace, over and besides the most part of the nobles of the realm, which like accompanied her grace throughout the said city; she sitting in her hair upon a horse litter, richly apparelled, and four knights of the five ports bearing a canopy over her head. And after her came four rich chariots, one of them empty, and three other furnished with divers ancient old ladies; and after them came a great train of other ladies and gentlewomen: which said progress, from the beginning to the ending, extended half a mile in length by estimation, or thereabout. To whom also, as she came along the city, was shewed many costly pageants, with divers other encomies spoken of children to her. [Wine also running at certain conduits plentifully.] ^ And so proceeding throughout the streets, passed forth unto Westminster-hall, where was a certain banquet prepared for her; which done, she was conveyed out of the backside of the palace into a barge, and so unto York-place, where the king’s grace was before her coming: for this you must ever presuppose, that his grace came always before her secretly in a barge, as well from Grenewich to the Tower, as from the Tower to York-place.
Now then on Sunday was the coronation, which also was of such a manner. In the morning there assemble[d] with me at Westminster church the bishop of York’, the bishop of London”, the bishop of Winchester”, the bishop of Lincoln”, the bishop of Bath’, and the bishop of St Asse’; the abbot of Westminster”, with ten or twelve more abbots; which all revestred ourselves in our pontificalibus, and so furnished, with our crosses and crosiers, proceeded out of the abbey in a procession unto Westminster-hall, where we received the queen apparelled in a robe of purple velvet, and all the ladies and gentlewomen in robes and gowns of scarlet, according to the manner used before time in such business: and so her grace sustained of each side with two bishops, the bishop of London and the bishop of Winchester, came forth
[9 Corrected by Mr Todd for contumaciam.] [? This passage is omitted by Dr Jenkyns.] [7 For the details of the coronation of Anne [10 Edward Lee.]]
[Boleyn, vid. Stow’s Annals, p. 562, et sqq. Ed. [’ John Stokesley.]]
[London, 1615. [135 Stephen Gardiner.] [? «She had on a kirtle of white cloth of tissue, [5 John Longland.]]
[and a mantle of the same furred with ermine, her [’ John Clerk.]]
[hair hanging down: but on her head she had a [5 Henry Standish.]]
[coif with a circlet about it full of rich stones.” [‘5^ William Benson or Boston. Vid. p. 249,]
[1d. ibid.] n. 2.]]
in procession unto the church of Westminster, she in her hair, my lord of Suffolk bearing before her the crown, and two other lords bearing also before her a sceptre and a white rod, and so entered up into the high altar, where divers ceremonies used about her, I did set the crown on her head, and then was sung 77 Deum, &c. And after that was sung a solemn mass: all which while her grace sat crowned upon a scaffold, which was made between the high altar and the choir in Westminster church; which mass and ceremonies done and finished, all the assembly of noblemen brought her into Westminster-hall again, where was kept a great solemn feast all that day; the good order thereof were too long to write at this time to you. But now, sir, you may not imagine that this coronation was before her marriage; for she was married much about St Pauls day last, as the condition thereof doth well appear, by reason she is now somewhat big with child. Notwithstanding it hath been reported throughout a great part of the realm that I married her; which was plainly false, for I myself knew not thereof a fortnight after it was done. And many other things be also reported of me, which be mere lies and tales.
Other news have we none notable, but that one Fryth?, which was in the Tower in prison, was appointed by the king’s grace to be examined before me, my lord of London, my lord of Winchester, my lord of Suffolk, my lord Chancellor’, and my lord of Wiltshire; whose opinion was so notably erroneous, that we could not dispatch him, but was fain to leave him to the determination of his ordinary, which is the bishop of London. His said opinion is of such nature, that he thought it not necessary to be believed as an article of our faith, that there is the very corporal presence of Christ within the host and sacrament of the altar, and holdeth of this point most after the opinion of (Ecolampadius. And surely I myself sent for him three or four times to persuade him to leave that his imagination; but for all that we could do therein, he would not apply to any counsel: notwithstanding now he is at a final end with all examinations, for my lord of London hath given sentence and delivered him to the secular power, where he looketh every day to go unto the fire. And there is also condemned with him one Andrew, a tailor of London, for the said selfsame opinion.
^If you have not heard of our ambassadors lately gone over, you shall understand ihat my lord of Northfolk, my lord of Rocheforde, master Paulet, Sir Francis Bryan, Sir Antony Browne, &c., Dr Gooderyche, D. Aldryche, and D. Thrylbey, be gone unto France to the French king’. And, as I suppose, they go from him to the pope unto Further you shall understand, that there is many here which wish you to succeed
[[! Sir Henry Ellis observes, that this part of [^ Both Frith and Andrew Hewet were burnt in]
[Abp. Cranmer’s letter settles two facts which have Smithfield on the 4th of July, 1533. Foxe’s Acts]
[been much disputed: one, that Anne Boleyn was and Monuments, p. 1036. Burnet, (Hist. of Re-]
[married on St Paul’s day, the 25th of January; the format. Vol. I. p. 344), following Hall and Stow,]
[other, that Cranmer was not present on the occa- places their execution in 1534, but Foxe’s date, as]
[sion. Stow (p. 543) gives the correct date, but Hol- observed by Dr Jenkyns, is strongly supported by]
[linshed (Chronicles, Vol. III. p. 929. Ed. Lond. this letter. ]]
[1587) and Hall ( Chronicles, fol. ccix. 2. Ed. Lond. [^ This latter part of the letter is omitted, both]
[1548) state it incorrectly to have been St Erken- by Mr Todd and by sir Henry Ellis.]]
[wald’s day, Nov. 14, 1532.] [9 The king understanding that the pope, the [? John Frith, the associate and friend of emperor, and the French king, should meet at Nice]
[Tyndale, the translator of the Bible, was the first ’ in June following, he appointed the duke of Nor-]
[Englishman, after Wycliffe, who wrote against the folk,”. “to go in ambassage to the French king,]
[Romish doctrine of the sacrament of the Lord’s and both to accompany him to Nice, and also to.]
[supper, and was opposed by sir Thomas More. commune with the pope there concerning his stay]
[For a full account of his opinions, imprisonment, in the king’s divorce.” Stow’s Annals, p. 562.]]
[examination, and death, vid. Anderson’s Annals [^ The interview between the pope (Clement]
[of the English Bible, Vol. I. pp. 339—377. Ed. VIL) and the French king (Francis I.) was at]
[Lond. 1845. Vid. also Burnet’s Hist. of Reformat. Marseilles in October, where the marriage was]
[Vol. I. pp. 338—345. Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, made up between the Duke of Orleance (afterwards]
[pp 103136. Ed. Lond. 1583; and App. Vol.111. Henry 11.) and Katherine de Medici. Burnet’s]
[pp 989—992. Ed. Lond. 1631. ] Hist. of Reformat. Vol. I. pp. 2/1, 2. Ed. Oxon. Sir Thomas Audeley] 1829.]]
-. your uncle’; notwithstanding I would you should not think the contrary, but that there be a great sort which would it should not come to pass: nevertheless you be neither the nearer ne further off through such idle communication.
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