CCXCVIII. To Melancthon
Quantum autem ecclesiam dilacerarint dissensiones religionis, maxime in causa sacramentaria, prudentiam tuam latere non potest, qua si antea composite fuissent, nunquam (opinor) Caesar bellum vobis intulisset. Et dolendum sane est, sacramentum unitatis invidia diaboli factam esse escam dissidii, et veluti μῆλον ἔριδος. — Quare optarem ut ii, qui alios antecellunt eruditione et judicio, exemplo apostolorum congregarentur, et sententiam tum de aliis capitibus controversis, tum de hac controversia, mutuum exponerent, et consensum edito in publicum scripto testarentur. Sed fortasse dices: Idem et ego sepissime optavi?; verum hzc res sine principum ope ad effectum deduci non potest. Ego igitur hac de re cum regia majestate?., qu» Angliam suam vobis apertam esse vult, et ad hos pios conatus non solum locum tutum et quietem, verum etiam operam et auxilium suum, benignissime pollicetur. Scripsi etiam ad D. Calvinum et ad D. Bullingerum, eosque hortatus sum, ne operi tam necessario adeoque utili reipublicze Christiana deesse vellent. In proximis ad me literis scripsisti Areopagitas concilii “Tridentini περὶ τῆς ἀρτολατρείας decreta condere. Quare cum adversarii evangeli tanto studio conveniunt ad errores stabiliendos, non est nobis committendum, ut illi sint diligentiores ad confirmandam impietatem, quam nos ad piam doctrinam propagandam et illustrandam.
Amori meo erga D. Georgium Majorem’, quem merita illius apud me pepererunt, magnam accessionem attulit commendatio tua, cui si qua in re gratificari potero, citius facultatem quam voluntatem mihi deesse experietur. Bene et feliciter vale. Lambeth, 27 Martii a. 1552.
Tui aliquando videndi cupidissimus, Cantuariens
Doctissimo viro et amico suo singulari
D. Philippo Melancthom dentur
he lttere.
[translation.]
Wz read in the Acts of the Apostles, that when a dispute had arisen, as to whether those, who from among gentiles had been turned to God, should be compelled to be circumcised and keep the law of Moses, the apostles and elders came together to consider of this matter; and having compared their opinions delivered the judgment of their council in a written epistle. This example I wish we ourselves could imitate, in whose churches the doctrine of the gospel has been restored and purified. But although all controversies cannot be removed in this world, (because the party which is hostile to the truth, will not assent to the judgment of the church,) it is nevertheless to be desired that the members of the true church should agree
[[? Vid. Letter CCLXXXIX. p. 425, n. 8.] [ “George Major was a zealous disciple of Lu- [? One or more words are wanting in the origi- ther, and minister at Eisleben. He died a. Ὁ.]
[nal. ] 1574.7 } [CRANMER, 11.] 98]
among themselves upon the chief heads of ecclesiastical doctrine. But it cannot escape your notice, how greatly religious dissensions, especially in the matter of the Lord’s supper, have rent the churches asunder: had they been settled before, the emperor, I think, would never have made war against you. And it is truly grievous that the sacrament of unity is made by the malice of the devil food for disagreement, and (as it were) the apple of contention. I could wish therefore, that those who excel others in erudition and judgment, should be assembled together, after the example of the apostles, and declare their judgment as well respecting other subjects of dispute, as likewise especially respecting this controversy, and attest their agreement by some published document. But you will perhaps say, And I also have often expressed the same wish; but this matter cannot be effected without the aid of princes,” 1 have therefore [consulted with] the king’s majesty, who places his kingdom of England at your disposal, and most graciously promises not only a place of security and quiet, but also his aid and assistance towards these godly endeavours. I have written likewise to masters Calvin and Bullinger, and exhorted them not to be wanting to a work so necessary, and so useful to the commonwealth of Christendom. You wrote me word in your last letter that the Areopagites of the council of Trent are making decrees respecting the worship of the host. Wherefore, since the adversaries of the gospel meet together with so much zeal for the establishment of error, we must not allow them to be more diligent in confirming ungodliness, than we are in propagating and setting forth the doctrine of godliness. Your commendation of master George Major has greatly increased that regard for him, which his merits have produced in me; and if I can be of service to him in any way, he shall find my ability will fail sooner than my inclination. Farewell and happily. Lambeth, March 27, 1552.
Very desirous of seeing you for some time past
TioMAs CANTUAR.
To the very learned man, and his singular friend
M. Philip Melancthon, let these letters be given.
CCXCIX. To Bucer’s Widow
rn S. P. BzwEvorENTIA singularis qua virum tuum cum adhuc viveret, sum prosecutus, post mortem ejus nequaquam est imminuta: siquidem egregia ejus pietas et insignis doctrina non momentaneos, verum zternos, fructus ecclesia attulit; quibus non tantum omnes pios verum et me omnium maxime in perpetuum sibi devinxit. Quare a scribendo ad me ne ulla ratione patiaris te deterreri, si quid erit quod tibi aut rebus tuis adjumento esse possim. Nam literis tuis excitatus, et amici carissimi jucundam memoriam non absque voluptate mecum repetam, et tibi ejus vidus propenso animo illa caritatis officia prestabo, que verbum Dei suadet impendenda, et pietati tuc pro re nata exhibenda fuerint. Atque de eo quod mihi nuper significasti negotiis tuis expediendis opus esse, ut aliquo scripto certum ac testatum fieret, summam illam centum marcarum quam dono accepisti a majestate regia, cum hinc discederes, ad te ipsam proprie ac singulariter pertinere, literas ad tutores liberorum Buceri dedi; ex quibus apertis cognoscere poterunt, quanam fuerit ea de re serenissimi regis nostri voluntas. Mitto ad te exemplar literarum a dominis consiliariis ad D. Joannem Hales? quaestorem regie majestatis (qui nunc opinor est Argentorati) aut eo absente ad ejus vicarium, Anglice scriptarum, quz clare testantur tibi a regia majestate centum marcas dono datas, idque post obitum mariti tui, quod litere ille ultimo Martii fuerunt scriptze, quam maritus tuus przecipitato Februario ex hac vita decesserit. Deus qui fons est et pater universe consolationis te consolari dignetur, et in utroque nomine cum tota familia servet!
Vale. Lambeti xx” Aprilis, a 1552.
Tuus quantum potest, Cantuarien. [translation.]
GREETING. The especial favour with which I regarded your husband during his lifetime, is by no means diminished now that he is no more. His remarkable piety indeed, and profound learning, has produced not a transient but an everlasting benefit to the church; whereby he has not only bound all godly persons, but myself more than all of them, under perpetual obligations to him. You must not therefore on any account allow yourself to be deterred from writing to me, should there be any thing in which I can be of use to you or to your affairs, For, stirred up by your letters, I shall not only recal to myself, and not without satisfaction, the agreeable remembrance of a very dear friend; but will also most readily perform to you, his widow, those offices of kindness, which the word of God commands to be paid, and which shall be afforded you as occasion shall offer. With respect to what you have lately informed me, that it is necessary for the ex-
[[! This has not appeared in any former collection Huldric Chelius, to whom the following letter was]
[of the archbishop’s letters. ] addressed. ]]
? Viz. Conrad Hubert, Quinter Andernach, and [3 Vid. Letter CCLX XXV II. p. 424, n.2.
pediting of your affairs that it should be certified and attested by some formal document, that the sum of a hundred marks which you received as a present from the king’s majesty, when you left this country, belongs especially and exclusively to yourself, I have written a letter to the guardians of Bucer’s children, whereby they may clearly ascertain what was the intention of our most serene king upon the matter in question. I send you a copy of the letter of the lords of the council to masfer John Hales, his majesty’s treasurer, (who is now, I think, at Strasburgh,) or to his deputy in his absence, written in English, which clearly testifies that a hundred marks were presented to you by his majesty, and that too, after the death of your husband, inasmuch as that letter was written on the last day of March, and your husband departed this life at the end of February. May God, who is the fountain and father of all comfort, vouchsafe to comfort you, and preserve you with all your family! Farewell. Lambeth, April 20, 1552.
Yours to the utmost of his power
TnuoMas CANTUAR.
CCC. To Conrad Hubert and Others”
S.P. Quum nuper intellexerim ex literis quas vidua D. Buceri pit memoria huc scripserat, ad facultates viri ejus jam defuncti partiendas inter liberos^ opus esse certa.. LI. notitia seu fide quoad summam pecunie centum marcarum quz donata est a regia majestate, an ad viduam pertineat an ad liberos; ideo ut res liquida fiat, et ambiguitas prorsus tollatur, affirmo ac testor summam illam centum marcarum a serenissimo rege nostro post obitum D. Buceri vidus» peculiariter fuisse donatam, ut ad ipsam proprie pertineret: ut ex literis quas Domini consiliarii ad quastorem scripserunt manifeste liquet, quarum exemplar ad viduam D. Buceri misi. Deus Spiritu Sancto suo vos gubernet, et successum in laboribus vocationis vestre vobis donet! Valete. Lambethi, xx” Aprilis, 1552.
Vester animo, Cantuarien
Viris eruditione et pietate prastantibus, D. Conrado
Huberto, verbi Dei ministro, D. Quintero Ander-
naco et D. Hulrico Chelio, medicine doctoribus,
et ceteris tutoribus liberorum D. Buceri, dentur
he litera.
[translation.]
GREETING. As Ihave lately understood, from a letter written to this place by the widow of master Bucer of pious memory, that, for the purpose of dividing the property of her deceased husband amongst his children,? a certain declaration or certificate is necessary respecting the sum of a hundred marks, presented by his majesty, as to whether it belongs to the widow or to the children; whereby the fact may be ascertained, and all doubt entirely removed; I affirm and attest that the said sum of a hundred marks was especially bestowed by his most serene majesty upon master Bucer widow, after his death, and intended for her especial use; as is clearly manifest from the letter which the lords of the council wrote to the treasurer, à copy of which I have sent to master Bucer’s widow. May God direct you by his holy Spirit, and grant you suecess in the labours of your calling! Farewell. Lambeth, April 20, 1552.
Yours heartily, Cant
To M. Conrad Hubert, minister of the word of God, M. Quinter
Andernach and M. Hulric Chelius, doctors of medicine,
men illustrious for their learning and. piety, and to the other
guardians of M. Bucer’s children, let these letters be given.
CCCI. To King Edward
Thomas Cantuariensis archiepiscopus R. Edwardo VI. Gratia et pax a Deo Patre
Domino nostro Jesu Christo
[Ersr prudenter moneat Horatius, illustrissime princeps, Bodl, Libr. xtord. ^ Qualem commendes etiam atque etiam adspice, ne mox Suid MSS Incutiant aliena tibi peccata pudorem: ἐκ autographo. This has not appeared in any former collection before Lady-day, when it came due.” Strype’s Mem.]
[of the archbishops letters. of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. 1. p. 358. Ed. Oxon. 1840.]]
[[^ The name of Bucer’s widow was Wibrand [9$ For particulars respecting Bucer’s property,]
[Bucerin. “The university gave her an hundred see the Original Letters relative to the English]
[crowns: the king an hundred marks more, besides Reformation, published by the Parker Society,]
[her husband’s half year’s pension, though he died Letters CLXXIX. and two following.] 280—292]
tamen quum D. Radulphus Chevalerus’ Gallus me oraverit, ut aditum aliquem ad gratiam tuam commendatione mea illi aperirem, non potui juveni optimo hoc officii denegare, tum quod is olim a pie memorie viro D. Bucero commendatus mihi fuerat, tum quod hoc merentur singularis ejus modestia et eruditio, qua domestica consuetudine mihi cognita et explorata sunt. Nam annum integrum aut amplius domi mez vixit, ubi eximiz pietatis et ingenii excellentis plurima documenta dedit: postea Cantabrigiam profectus, Hebraicas literas, non sine magna auditorum laude et utilitate, gratis professus est. Victum autem non aliunde habet, quum ex me et Domino Eliensi cancellario, qui pro facultatibus nostris annuum quoddam stipendium illi numeramus. Sed quum nunc tanta sit temporum iniquitas, ut omnia fere duplo carius quam antea veneant, necessitas eum cogit ad tuam Majestatem omnium piorum et eruditorum asylum confugere, et a tua benignitate subsidium petere. Nihil attinet me plura scribere, cum norim voluntatem majestatis vestre erga pios et doctos esse benignissimam: tantum significare volui D. Radulphum in talium catalogo esse numerandum, illud obsecrans ut ad eam voluntatem quam sua sponte M. T. erga Radulphum propter praeclaras ilius dotes habitura esset, aliquis cumulus accedat, quod peregrinüs sit: nam de talibus diserte dicit Moses, “Deus amat peregrinum, et dat ei victum et vestitum, et vos ergo amate peregrinos. Debent vero pre alüs hi qui di in scripturis dicuntur, Deum in hoc pietatis genere imitari, et ad illius similitudinem quam proxime accedere. Quod si curarit majestas tua, Dominus noster Jesus Christus (qui sibi acceptum fert quod hospitibus datur) non solum in hac vita te gubernabit, et mansionem apud te faciet, sed et hac vita defunctum in eterna sua tabernacula introducet, et pro regno temporario perpetuum daturus est. [1552.].
Serenissima tua majestatis famulus
T. Caxr.
[translation.]
Tuomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to king Edward VI. Grace and peace from God the Father and our Lord Jesus Christ. Although, most illustrious prince, Horace wisely admonishes, Look once and again what kind of person you recommend, lest by and bye the faults of others bring shame upon yourself;” yet since Mr Ralph Cavalier, of France, has entreated that I would open for him a means of access to your grace through my recommendation, I could not deny this excellent young man this obligation, both inasmuch as he was formerly recommended to me by master Bucer, a man of pious memory, and that his remarkable modesty and learning, which were known and tried through my private intimacy with him, also deserve it. For he lived in my house a whole year or more, where he exhibited very many proofs of his eminent piety and his surpassing ability: having afterwards proceeded to Cambridge, he gave gratuitous lectures on Hebrew literature, to the great satisfaction and advantage of his hearers. He has no other means of livelihood than from myself, and the bishop of Ely, the lord chancellor, who pay him a certain yearly salary, according to our means. But since from the severity of the times every thing at present is sold for twice as much as formerly, necessity compels him to have recourse to your majesty, the refuge of all pious and learned men, and to beg assistance from your bounty. It is unnecessary that I should write at greater length, since I am well aware that the disposition of your majesty is most gracious towards learned and pious men: I merely wish to intimate that master Ralph is to be accounted amongst such persons; entreating that in addition to that good-will which your majesty spontaneously would feel towards Ralph, because of his excellent endowments, something further may be added on the ground of his being a stranger: for concerning such persons Moses expressly saith, God
[[! “Rafe Cavelarius, or Cavalier,.a native in which he is named as Rodolphus Cavellerius,]
[of France,.in the year 1552, (if not before) otherwise called Mr Anthony.” In this year he]
[did not so much succeed, as assist Tremellius,” was also appointed to the seventh prebend of the]
[(whose wife’s sister he had married) in reading cathedral of Canterbury. Strype supposes that he]
[Hebrew in that university [i. e. Cambridge]. For died at Guernsey, whither he went A.D. 1569,”]
[which he was gratified by the state, in a grant to from his will being dated at that place, Oct. 8, A. Ὁ.]
[be free denizen, and in the same patent to enjoy 1572. Vid. Strype’s Eccl. Mem. Vol. II. Part r.]
[the advowson of a prebend in Canterbury, in con- pp.323, 4. Part 11. p. 272. Ed. Oxon. 1822. Strype’s]
[sideration of reading the Hebrew lecture freely in Annals, Vol. I. Part 11. pp. 288, 9. and Appendix,]
[Cambridge. This was dated in August, 1552.” No.41.p. 552. Strype’s Life of Abp. Parker, Vol.]
[(^.D. 1569) By means of the learned sir An- II. pp. 146, 7. Le Neve’s Fasti, p. 16. Ed. Lond.]
[thony Cook, and sir William Cecil,” he was ap- 1716.]]
[pointed to be professor of the Hebrew language and (? Thomas Goodrich, bishop of Ely, was sworn]
[learning in the university of Cambridge,” and was lord chancellor, January 22, A4.p. 1552. Stow’s]
[sent down with a recommendatory letter, dated May Annals, p. 607. Ed. Lond. 1615.]]
[20 from archbishop Parker and bishop Grindal,]
loveth the stranger, giving him food and raiment; love ye therefore the stranger.” But those who are called gods in the scriptures, ought above others to imitate God in this kind of piety, and to approach to his likeness as nearly as they possibly can. Which if your majesty should regard, our Lord Jesus Christ (who esteems that which is done to strangers as received by himself) will not only guide you in this life, and take up his dwelling with you; but when you shall depart this life, will bring you into his eternal mansion, and for a temporal will give you an everlasting kingdom.
The servant of your most serene majesty
T. Can.
CCCII. To Cecil
AFTER my amos hearty commendations and thanks, as well as for your gentle letters,
18
as for the copy of the Pacification?, and for your good remembrance of the two matters, which I desired you not to forget, the one concerning the bishop of Colen’s letters,
5
and the other, Mr Mowse?: for whom eftsoons I give you my most hearty thanks.
As for your admonition’, I take it most thankfully, as I have ever been most glad to be admonished by my friends, accounting no man so foolish as he that will not hear friendly admonishments. But as for the saying of St Paul, “Qui volunt ditescere, incidunt in tentationem,” I fear it not half so much as I do stark beggary. For I took not half so much care for my living, when I was a scholar of Cambridge, as I do at this present. For although I have now much more revenue, yet I have much more to do withal; and have more care to live now as an archbishop, than I bad at that time to live like a scholar. I have not so much as I had within ten years passed by 150/. of certain rent, besides casualties. I pay double for every thing that Ibuy. If a good auditor have this account, he shall find no great surplusage to wax rich upon.
And if I knew any bishop that were covetous, I would surely admonish him; but I know none, but all beggars, except it be one’; and yet I dare well say he is not very rich. If you know any, I beseech you to advertise me; for peradventure I may advertise him better than you. To be short, I am not so doted to set my mind upon things here, which neither I can carry away with me, nor tarry long with them.
If time would have served, I would have written of other things unto you; but your servant making haste compelleth me here to cut off the thread; beseeching Almighty
[[? A little before this sickness befel him,” in Germany, and for the obtaining some favour from]
[(i. e. ague, which was prevalent A. D. 1552) &some- the king in that cause.” Strype’s Mem. of Abp.]
[thing fell out, which gave him great joy. Cecil Cranmer, Vol. I. pp. 410, 11.]]
[knew how welcome good news out of Germany [ For an account of Dr William Mowse, vid.]
[would be to him, and therefore in July sent him a Strype’s Mem. of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. 11. pp.]
[copy of the Pacification,” (viz. of Passau) “thatis, 574—576.]]
[the emperor’s declaration of peace throughout the [6 For an account of the archbishop being]
[empire, after long and bloody wars; which consisted charged with covetousness, and the cause of his]
[of such articles as were favourable unto the protes- writing this letter, vid. Strype’s Mem. of Abp.]
[tants, after much persecution of them.” Strype’s Cranmer, Vol. I. pp. 401 et sqq. Vid. also Vol. II.]
[Mem. of Abp. Cranmer, Vol I. p. 409. Ed. Oxon. pp. 621 et sqq.]]
[1840. The date of the Pacitication was July 31, [7 “In this month of May (a.p. 1552) did]
[A.D. 1532, upon which a definite arrangement was Holgate archbishop of York,” (to whom Cranmer]
[based for the future peace of Germany in matters of probably here alludes,) the only wealthy bishop]
[religion, A. D. 1557. Vid. Sleidan, De Statu Re- then in England, bestow some part of his wealth]
[ligionis et Reipub. Lib. xx1v. pp. 562 et sqq. Ed. very commendably, for the benefit of his successors]
[Francof. 1568. Vid. also Letter CCCIV. p. 439.] in that see. For he made purchase from the king [ i.e. Herman, archbishop and elector of Co- of the site, circuit, and precincts, capital messuage]
[logne. Vid. Letter CCLXXXVI. p. 423, n. 2. and mansion, lordship and manor of Scroby, in]
[of Colen (i. e. Cologne) were, it appeareth not: but Nottingham, lately parcel of the possessions of the]
[I am very apt to think the purport of them was, archbishop of York,” &c. Strype’s Eccl. Mem.]
[that Cranmer would solicit some certain business in Vol. II. Part 11. p. 77. Ed. Oxon. 1822.]]
[the English court relating to the affairs of religion]
God to preserve the king’s majesty with all his council and family, and send him well to return from his progress’. From my manor of Croydon, the xxi. of July.
Your own ever
T. CaNr.
To my loving friend, sir William
Cycil, one of the king’s majesty’s
principal. secretaries.
CCCIII. To Cecil
on Tuovan in England there be many meet men for the archbishoprics of Ireland, yet on I know very few that will gladly be persuaded to go thither. Nevertheless I have sent unto you the names of four? viz. Mr Whitehead of Hadley, Mr Tourner of Canterbury, sir Thomas Rosse, and sir Robert Wisdome; which, being ordinarily called, I think for conscience sake will not refuse to bestow the talent committed unto them, wheresoever it shall please the king’s majesty to appoint them. Among whom I take Mr Whitehead for his good knowledge, special honesty, fervent zeal, and politic wisdom, to be most meet. And next him Mr Tourner, who, besides that he is merry and witty withal, “nihil appetit, nihil ardet, nihil somniat, nisi Jesum Christum;” and in the lively preaching of him and his word declareth such diligence, faithfulness, and wisdom, as for the same deserveth much commendation. There is also one Mr Whitacre’, a man both wise and well learned, chaplain to the bishop of Winchester, very meet for that office, if he might be persuaded to take it upon him.
I pray you commend me unto Mr Cheke, and declare unto him, that mine ague, whether it were a quotidian or a double tertian (whereof my physicians doubted), hath left me these two days, and so I trust I am quit thereof: notwithstanding my water keepeth still an high colour. Now the most danger is, that if it come again this night, it is like to turn to a quartan. However the matter chance, the most grief to me is, that I cannot proceed in such matters as I have in hand, according to my will and desire. This terrenum domicilium” is such an obstacle to all good purposes. Forasmuch as I perceive that the king’s majesty’s progress is altered, I pray you send me the gests of the latter end of his progress, from this time unto the end, that I may from time to time know where his majesty shall be: whom I beseech Almighty God to preserve and prosper in all his affairs, with his most honourable council and all his court. From my manor of Croydon, the xxvth of August, 1552.
Your own assured
Tomas Cawr.
To my very loving friend, sir William
Cecyl, knight, one of the kings ma-
jesty’s. principal secretaries.
CCCIV. To Cecil
AFTER my very hearty commendations; I thank you for your news, but specially Abp.. 13 » τ” ὃς. bl for that ye advertise me that the king’s majesty is in good health: wherein I beseech pp. God long to continue his highness, as he hath twice (as I trust) restored me to the same.
[Oxon. 1840, ------]
[Hom S ker [᾿ To divert the king after the loss of hisuncle, cerning whom the archbishop wrote to the inha-]
[MSS. whom he dearly loved, Northumberland took him bitants of Hadleigh, March 20, 1533. Vid. Letter]
[in progress in the summer of this year,” [A.D.1552.] XCVII. p. 280, n. 3.]]
[Strype’s Mem. of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. I. p. 401.] [ I suppose this might be a slip of the arch- [3 An account of these four divines, whom the bishop’s pen or memory, writing Whitacre for Good-]
[archbishop nominated for the archbishoprick of acre, who afterwards was placed in that Irish see,]
[Armagh, is given by Strype, Mem. of Abp. Cran- [i.e. Armagh,] and had been Poynet’s chaplain.”]
[mer, Vol. I. pp. 393—400. Strype’s Mem. of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. I. p. 393. [? This was the same Sir Thomas Rose con- See also ibid. p. 400.]]
It seemeth by your letters, that a peace should be concluded betwixt the emperor and duke Morrise; which, whether it be according to the articles that afore ye sent unto me?, or otherwise, I would gladly understand.
The commodity that might arise by printing the Book of Common Prayer and Administration of Sacraments in the French tongue (if any be,) I reckon it were meet that it should come to them which have already taken pains in translating the same: which was first done by sir Hugh Paullet’s commandment, and overseen by my lord chancellor, and other at his appointment; and now altered according to that which must be put in execution at the feast of All Saints next, at the appointment of my lord chancellor, by a learned Frenchman, a doctor in divinity: and therefore needless of any other to be travelled in. Aug. 26, 1552.
CCCV. To Cecil
ArrER my very hearty recommendations: now at the last, against bis will, Turner is come up unto the court. He preached twice in the camp that was by Canterbury’;
for the which the rebels would have hanged him; and he seemed then more glad to
go to hanging, than he doth now to go to Armachane; he alleged so many excuses, but the chief is this, that he shall preach to the walls and stalls, for the people understand no English. I bear him in hand, Yes; and yet I doubt whether they speak English in the diocese of Armachane. But if they do not, then I say, that if he will take the pain to learn the Irish tongue, which with diligence he may do in a year or two, then both his person and doctrine shall be more acceptable not only unto his diocese, but also throughout all Ireland. I commit him to your cure, praying you to help him to have as ready a dispatch as may be; for he hath but a little money.
I have sent the book of articles for religion? unto Mr Cheke, set in a better order than it was, and the titles upon every matter, adding thereto that which lacked. I pray
[m [^ Vid. Letter CCCII. p. 437; also Strype’s translating the same;’ informing the secretary who]
[Mem. of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. 1. pp. 409, 10.] they were; namely, those formerly and now of late [9 Provision also was made for the king’s employed by Sir Hugh Paulet and the lord chan-]
[French dominions, that this book (i. 6. the second cellor. But I find this book was not presently]
[service book of Edward VI. A.p. 1552.) with the finished, being not printed till the year 1553, for]
[amendments should be used there. And the bishop the use of Jersey and Guernsey.” Strype’s Mem.]
[of Ely, lord chancellor, (a great forwarder of good of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. I. pp. 416, 17.]]
[reformation,) procured a learned Frenchman, who [7” And this I judge to be that Turner, whom]
[was a doctor of divinity, carefully to correct the the archbishop nominated for Ireland, having lived]
[former French book by this English new one, in all long in his diocese, and so well known to him; and]
[the alterations, additions, and omissions thereof. For whom he had, I suppose, removed to Canterbury,]
[the first Common Prayer Book also was in French, to a prebend, or some other preferment there. Here]
[for the use of the king’s French subjects; being he did this remarkable and bold piece of service,]
[translated by commandment of Sir Hugh Paulet, that when, about three years past, (i.e. A. p. 1549.)]
[governor of Calais; and that translation overseen by the rebels were up in Kent, he then preached twice]
[the lord chancellor and others at his appointment. in the camp near Canterbury; for which the rebels]
[The benefit of this last book was such, that one of were going to hang him. But God preserved him.”]
[the French congregation in London sought, by the &c. Strype’s Mem. of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. I. p.]
[means of A Lasco’s interest with secretary Cecil, 395.]]
[for a licence under the king’s letters patents, to [8 i.e. The forty-two articles, which were agreed]
[translate this Common Prayer, and the Administra- to in the convocation of A.D. 1552, and published]
[tion of Sacraments, and to print it, for the use of the by the king’s authority both in Latin and English,]
[French islands of Jersey and Guernsey. But Cecil, A.D. 1553. “These articles the archbishop was the]
[after a letter received from A Lasco in August to penner, or at least the great director of, with the]
[that effect, not willing to do this of his own head, assistance (as is very probable) of bishop Ridley.]
[and reckoning it a proper matter to be considered And so he publicly owned afterwards, in his answer]
[by the archbishop, who were to be intrusted with to certain interrogatories put to him by queen]
[the translating of such a book, desired him,.to Mary’s commissioners; viz. that the catechism, the]
[give him his advice and judgment herein, both as book of articles, and the book against Winchester,]
[to the work, and as to the benefit. To whom the were his doings.” Strype’s Mem. of Abp. Cran-]
[archbishop gave this answer; ‘that the commodity mer, Vol. I. p. 390. Vid. Interrogatories objected]
[that might arise by printing of the book was meet to the archbishop and his answers, p. 220, supra. a]
[to come to them who had already taken the pains in!]
you, consider well the articles with Mr Cheke; and whether you think best to move the king’s majesty therein before my coming, I refer that unto your two wisdoms.
I pray you, let me have your advice unto whom I might best write concerning Rayner Wolfe!; for I wot not to whom I might write, but to my lord of Northumberland. The everliving God ever preserve you in this life, and in the life to come! From Croydon, the xixth of September. [1552.7]
Your assured friend
T. CaNr.
To my loving friend, sir William Cecyl, knight,
one of the king’s majesty’s principal secretaries.
CCCVI. To Cecil
AFTER my very hearty recommendations, and no less thanks for your friendly letters and advertisements; be you assured, that I take the same in such part, and to proceed ^ of such a friendly mind, as I have ever looked for at your hands. Whereof I shall not be unmindful, if occasion hereafter shall serve to requite the same. I have written letters unto my lord of Northumberland, declaring unto him the cause of my stay In the commission”; which is, because that all the gentlemen and justices of the peace of Kent, which be in commission with me, be now at London: before whose coming p. home, if I should proceed without them, I might perchance travail in vain, and take more pain than I should do good. I have written also unto him in the favour of Michael Angelo?; whose cause I pray you to help so much as lieth in you.
The Sophy and the Turk, the emperor and the French king, (not much better in religion than they,) rolling the stone, or turning the wheel of fortune up and down, I pray God send us peace and quietness with all realms, as well as among ourselves; and to preserve the king’s majesty, with all his council. Thus fare you well. From my house of Ford, the xx. day of November, anno 1552.
Your assured
T. Cawr. L To my loving friend sir William Cecil, knight,
and secretary to the king’s majesty.
CCCVII. To the Lords of the Council
AFTER my very humble recommendations unto your good lordships; I have sent Abn unto the same the book of articles which yesterday I received from your lordships. I ar. have sent also a cedule inclosed, declaring briefly my mind upon the said book: beseeching your lordships to be means unto the king’s majesty, that all the bishops may have authority from him to cause all their preachers, archdeacons, deans, prebendaries, parsons, Life -----------------.---------. Abp. p. [’ Vid Letter CCXCV. p. 429; and Strype’s his friends, and the king be little the better. But, Annals, Vol. IT. Part 1. p. 530. Ed. Oxon. 1824.] because he did not make haste, he was charged by his [? Another (of the businesses the archbishop enemies at court as a neglecter of the king’s busiwas employed in while he was in his retirement at ness,” &c. Strype’s Mem. of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. his house in Canterbury) was, the sitting upon a I. p. 419.] commission to him, and other gentlemen of Kent, [? “The minister of the Italian protestant for inquiry after such as had embezzled the plate church in London.” Todd’s Life of Abp. Cran-and goods belonging to chauntries, &c. given by mer, Vol. II. p. 354. n. 2.] the parliament to the king, and converting them to [^ Alluding to the contests then existing betheirown uses. But this, being somewhat an odious tween the emperors of Persia and the Turks, and work, he was not very forward to enter upon, espe- between Charles V. of Germany and Henry II. of cially because he thought, whatsoever he and the France.” Id. ibid. an. 3.] other commissioners should recover, would be but [^ Vid. Letter CCCV. p. 439, n. 8.] swallowed up by the duke of Northumberland and
vicars, curates, with all their clergy, to subscribe to the said articles’. And then I trust that such a concord and quietness in religion shall shortly follow thereof, as else is not to be looked for many years. God shall thereby be glorified, his truth shall be advanced, and your lordships shall be rewarded of him, as the setters forward of his true word and gospel. Unto whom is my daily prayer, without ceasing, to preserve the king’s majesty, with all your honourable lordships. From my house at Ford, the 24 of this present month of November. [1552.]
Your lordships ever to command
T. Cawr. To my very good lords of the king’s majesty
his most honourable council.
Cccvih. To Cecil
ArrER my hearty commendations and thanks for your letters; there is no man more loth to be in contention with any man, than I am, specially with my lord Warden?,.. zr.. my near neighbour, dwelling both in one country, and whose familiar and entire friendship I most desire, for the quietness of the whole country. For the example of the rulers and heads will the people and members follow. And as touching learned men I shall send you my mind with as much expedition as I can, which by this post I cannot do, even in the cold snow, sitting upon coals, until he be gone. But heartily fare you well in the Lord Jesus. From Ford, the last day of November. [1552.]
Your loving friend
T. Carr. To my loving friend sir William Cecil, knight, secretary to the king’s majesty, eve these. 4 -.— ------ 9—ς-.-.-.------.
CCCIX. To Cecil
ArrER my very hearty recommendations; yesternight I heard reported that Mr Cheke is indicted: I pray you heartily, if you know any thing thereof, to send me 1.
rue
. [$ The authority here sought by the archbishop bishop did not much affect Cheyny, nor Cheyny
[was not granted till June 9, A. D. 1553, when Ed- the archbishop.” Strype’s Mem. of Abp. Cranmer, Sir Wm.]
[ward VI. issued a mandate “willing and exhort- Vol. II. p. 651.] Hicker]
[ing” the bishops of the realm, to subscribe the [? King Edward being dead, and the lady Toad Life]
[forty-two articles, and to observe them in their Jane set up and proclaimed queen, letters at this of Abr::: ]. ranmer,]
[preachings, readings, and teachings, and to cause time were sent from the council to the gentry, and Vol. II. pp.]
[them to be subscribed and observed of all other, other state-letters were written by Cheke as secre- } 3]
[which do or hereafter shall preach or read within tary. He checked his brother Cecil, who would]
[their diocese.” Another mandate was also issued not be induced to meddle in this matter, but endea-]
[in king Edward’s name, June 19, A. D. 1553, re- voured to be absent; and to the very utmost day]
[quiring all rectors, vicars, &c., to see that the of queen Jane’s reign, viz. to July 19th (A.D. 1553)]
[articles of religion should be signed. Both the he acted as secretary to her and her council. ——And]
[letter and the mandate will be found in the Appen- within eight or nine days after, viz. July the 28th,]
[dix. Vid. Interrogatory 12, objected to the arch- together with the duke of Suffolk,” he was com-]
[bishop, aud his answer, p. 220, supra.] mitted to the Tower as a traitor. And whereas the]
[7 There happened once, in the year 1552, a rest that acted as queen Jane’s counsellors, being]
[contest between him and the lord warden of the either papists, or indifferent in religion, were easily]
[Cinque-ports, who lived not far from him; and so pardoned; Cheke and some few others (as the arch-]
[probably it might be about some worldly matters. bishop of Canterbury and the lord Russel) were]
[It was sir Thomas Cheyny, who, in the year 1549, sent to the Tower, or kept under harder and longer]
[was one of those that met with Warwick in Lon- restraint. An indictment was drawn against him]
[don, and published a proclamation against the the 12th or 13th day of August; and his friends]
[archbishop’s friend, the duke of Somerset, as a feared it would go hard with him.——-The next]
[traitor; which might be an occasion that the arch- year, being almost spoiled of all his substance, he]
knowledge, and whereupon he is indicted. I had great trust that he should be one of them that should feel the queen’s great mercy and pardon, as one who hath been none of the great doers in this matter against her: and my trust is not yet gone, except it be for his earnestness in religion: for the which if he suffer, blessed is he of God, that suffereth for his sake, howsoever the world judge of him. For what ought we to care for the judgment of the world, when God absolveth us? But, alas! if any means could be made for him, or for my lord Russel, it were not to be omitted, nor in any wise neglected. But I am utterly destitute both of counsel in this matter and of power, being in the same condemnation that they be’. But that only thing which I can do, I shall not cease to do; and that is only to pray for them and for myself, with all other that be now in adversity. When I saw you at the court, I would fain have talked with you, but I durst not: nevertheless, if you could find a time to come over to meI would gladly commune with you. Thus fare you heartily well with my lady your wife. From Lamhith, this 14. day of this month of August. [1553.]
Your own assured
T. CaNr. To my very loving friend, sir William
Cecil, knight. CCCX. To Queen Mary
Most lamentably mourning and moaning himself unto your highness, Thomas Cran-p. mer”, although unworthy either to write or speak unto your highness, yet having no
Pme Ela
[obtained the favour of the queen’s pardon.” Strype’s as the chief cause thereof.” Foxe’s Acts and Monu-]
[Life of sir John Cheke, chap. v. sect. 1 and 2. pp. ments, p. 1871. Ed. Lond. 1583.]]
[93—96 Ed Oxon. 1821.] [? “On the 13th of November, archbishop About the beginning of August he was Cranmer, the lord Guilford Dudley, and the lady]
[before the council, about the lady Jane’s business. Jane his wife, with two other sons of the duke of]
[and then, with the severe reprimands he received, Northumberland. were brought to their trial. ὁ]
[was charged to keep his house, and be forthcoming. These all confessed their indictments. Only Cran-]
[At that time he espied Cecil, who was in the same mer appealed to those that judged him, how un-]
[condemnation; and would fain have spoken with willingly he had consented to the exclusion of the]
[him, but durst not.as it seems, out of his love queen; that he had not done it till those whose]
[and care of him, lest his very talking with Cecil profession it was to know the law had signed it;]
[might have been prejudicial to that pardon, which upon which he submitted himself to the queen’s]
[he now lay fair for—September 13, following, the mercy. But they were all attainted of high treason]
[archbishop was again summoned to appear that day for levying war against the queen, and conspiring]
[before the queen’s council. Then he appeared and to set up another in her room. So these judgments,]
[was dismissed; but commanded to be the next day with those that had passed before, were now con-]
[in the Star-chamber. And so he was. The effect firmed by act of parliament. And now Cranmer]
[of which appearing was, that he was committed to was legally divested of his archbishoprick, which]
[the Tower, partly for setting his hand to the instru- was hereupon void in law, since a man that is]
[ment of the lady Jane’s succession, and partly for attainted can have no right to any church benefice;]
[the public offer he made a little before of justifying his life was also at the queen’s mercy. But it being]
[openly the religious proceedings of the deceased now designed to restore the ecclesiastical exemption]
[king But the chief reason was, the inveterate and dignity to what it had been anciently, it was]
[malice his enemies conceived against him for the resolved that he should be still esteemed archbishop,]
[divorce of king Henry from the queen’s mother; the till he were solemnly degraded according to the canon]
[blame of which they laid wholly upon him, though law. The queen was also inclined to give him his]
[bishop Gardiner and other bishops were concerned life at this time, reckoning, that thereby she was]
[in it as deep as he” Strype’s Mem. of Abp. Cran- acquitted of all the obligations she had to him; and]
[mer, Vol II p 439 “The rest of the nobles was resolved to have him proceeded against for]
[paying fines, were forgiven, the archbishop of Can- heresy, that so it might appear she did not act out]
[terbury only excepted: who, though he desired of revenge, or on any personal account. So all that]
[pardon by means of friends, could obtain none; followed on this against Cranmer was, a sequestra-]
[Manet alta insomuch that the queen would not once vouchsafe tion of all the fruits of his archbishoprick; himself]
[meo n to see him, for as yet the old grudges against the was still kept in prison:—the queen was desirous to]
[Judicium archbishop for the divorcement of her mother re- seem willingto pardon injuries done against herself,]
[P ἴθ mained hid in the bottom of her heart. Besides but was so heated in the matters of religion, that]
[matris this divorce, she remembered the state of religion she was always inexorable on that head.” Burnet’s]
[ng changed; all which was reputed to the archbishop Hist. of Reformat. Vol. IT. pp. 515, 16. Ed. Oxon.]
person that I know to be mediator for me, and knowing your pitiful ears ready to hear all pitiful complaints, and seeing so many before to have felt your abundant clemency in like case, am now constrained most lamentably, and with most penitent and sorrowful heart, to ask mercy and pardon for my heinous folly and offence, in consenting and following the testament and last will of our late sovereign lord king Edward VI. your grace’s brother: which will, God he knoweth, I never liked; nor never anything grieved me so much that your grace’s brother did. And if by any means it had been in me to have letted the making of that will, I would have done it. And what I said therein, as well to the council as to himself, divers of your majesty’s council can report: but none so well as the marquis of Northampton, and the lord Darcy, then lord chamberlain to the king’s majesty; which two were present at the communication between the king’s majesty and me. I desired to talk with the king’s majesty alone, but I could not be suffered, and so I failed of my purpose. For if I might have communed with the king alone, and a£ good leisure, my trust was, that I should have altered him from that purpose; but, they being present, my labour was in vain.
Then when I could not dissuade him from the said will, and both he and his privy council also informed me that the judges and his learned counsel said, that the act of entailing the crown, made by his father, could not be prejudicial to him, but that he, being in possession of the crown, might make his will thereof; this seemed very strange unto me; but being the sentence of the judges, and other his learned counsel in the laws of this realm, (as both he and his council informed me,) methought it became not me, being unlearned in the law, to stand against my prince therein. And so at length I was required by the king’s majesty himself to set to my hand to his will; saying, that he trusted that I alone would not be more repugnant to his will than the rest of the council were: (which words surely grieved my heart very sore,) and so I granted him to subscribe his will, and to follow the same. Which when I had set my hand unto, I did it unfeignedly and without dissimulation.
For the which I submit myself most humbly unto your majesty, acknowledging mine offence with most grievous and sorrowful heart, and beseeching your mercy and pardon: which my heart giveth me shall not be denied unto me, being granted before to so many, which travailed not so much to dissuade both the king and his council as I did.
And whereas it is contained in two acts of parliament, (as I understand,) that I, 1829. The degradation of the archbishop from his [ «The said bishop (Heath, abp. of York) office, in obedience to the sentence definitive from declared afterwards to one of Doctor Cranmer’s
[the pope, took place two years afterwards, Dec. A.D. friends, that notwithstanding his attainder of treason,]
[1555. Vid. p. 224, supra; and Foxe’s Acts and the queen’s determination at that time was, that]
[Monuments, pp. 2132, 3.] Cranmer should only have been deprived of his [? Cecil, in a relation which he made one write archbishoprick, and have had a sufficient living as-]
[of this transaction, for clearing himself afterwards, signed him, upon his exhibiting a true inventory,”]
[says, that when he had heard Gosnald and Hales (i.e. of all his goods, which he had been commanded]
[declare how much it was against law,” (i.e. the to give in to the queen’s commissioners,) ’ with]
[alteration of the succession to the throne in favour commandment to keep his house without meddling]
[of the lady Jane Grey by Edward V Ith’s will,) “he in matters of religion. But how that was true, I]
[refused to set his hand to it as a counsellor, and that have not to say. This is certain, that not long after]
[he only signed as a witness to the king’s subscription. this he was sent unto the Tower, and soon after con-]
[But Cranmer still refused to do it after they had demned of treason. Notwithstanding, the queen,]
[all signed it, and said, he would never consent to when she could not honestly deny him his pardon,]
[the disinheriting of the daughters of his late master. seeing all the rest were discharged, and specially]
[Many consultations were had to persuade him to it. seeing he last of all other subscribed to king]
[But he could not be prevailed on, till the king him- Edward’s request, and that against his own will,]
[self set on him; who used many arguments, from released to him his action of treason, and accused]
[the danger religion would otherwise be in, together him only of heresy: which liked the archbishop]
[with other persuasions: so that by his reasons, or right well, and came to pass as he wished, because the]
[rather importunities, at last he brought him to it. cause was not now his own, but Christ’s, not the]
[But whether he also used that distinction of Cecil’s, queen’s, but the church’s.” Foxe’s Acts and Mo-]
[that he did it as a witness, and not as a counsellor, numents, p. 1871.]]
[1 do not know: but it seems probable, that if that [5 One of these acts probably is 1 Mary, St. ii.]
[liberty was allowed the one, it would not be denied c. 16, for confirming the attainder of the late duke]
[the other.” Burnet’s Hist. of Reformat. Vol. II. of Northumberland and others, the preamble to]
[p.498, Vid. Letter CCCXII. p. 445.] which names Cranmer among those who have]
with the duke of Northumberland, should devise and compass the deprivation of your majesty from your royal crown, surely it is untrue. For the duke never opened his mouth to me, to move me any such matter, nor I him; nor his heart was not such toward me, (seeking long time my destruction,) that he would either trust me in such matter, or think that I would be persuaded by him. It was other of the council that moved me, and the king himself, the duke of Northumberland not being present. Neither before, neither after, had I ever any privy communication with the duke of that matter, saving that openly at the council-table the duke said unto me, that it became not me to say to the king as I did, when I went about to dissuade him from the said will.
Now as concerning the estate of religion, as it is used in this realm of England at this present, if it please your highness to license me, I would gladly write my mind unto your majesty. I will never, God willing, be author of sedition, to move subjects from the obedience of their heads and rulers: which is an offence most detestable. If I have uttered my mind to your majesty, being a christian queen and governor of this realm, (of whom I am most assuredly persuaded, that your gracious intent is, above all other regards, to prefer God’s true word, his honour and glory,) if I have uttered, I say, my mind unto your majesty, then I shall think myself discharged. For it lieth not in me, but in your grace only, to see the reformation of things that be amiss. To private subjects it appertaineth not to reform things, but quietly to suffer that they cannot amend. Yet nevertheless to shew your majesty my mind in things pertaining unto God, methink it my duty, knowing that I do, and considering the place which in times past I have occupied. Yet will I not presume thereunto without your graces pleasure first known, and your licence obtained: whereof I most humbly prostrate to the ground do beseech your majesty; and I shall not cease daily to pray to Almighty God for the good preservation of your majesty from all enemies bodily and ghostly, and for the increase of all goodness heavenly and earthly, during my life, as I do and will do, whatsoever come of me.
CCCXI. To Mrs Wilkinson?
[Matt. 3.]
[(Coverdale. —_—e -]
[committed many detestable and abominable treasons, archbishop out of prison advised to escape, and]
[to the most fearful peril and danger of the destruc- avoid a place where she could not truly and rightly]
[tion of your most royal person, and to the utter loss, serve God.” Strype’s Mem. of Abp. Cranmer, Vol.]
[and disherison, and destruction of this your realm 11. p. 449. Ed. Oxon. 1840. Vid. Defensio vera]
[of England. Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV. p. et Catholice doctrine de Sacramento.” (Emb.]
[217.” Jenkyns’ Remains of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. I. ed.). Vol. I. p. 8. Park. Soc. Ed. 1844. This]
[p. 362.] mistress Wilkinson afterward died in exile at [! Would ever trust me. Strype.] Frankfort.” Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, &c. p. [? The favourers of religion,seeing it was now 1517, Ed. Lond. 1583; who also gives a letter]
[determined to proceed in all manner of severity from Bishop Hooper to her. Several other letters to]
[against them, began to flee into other countries for her from Bradford are printed in Coverdale’s Letters]
[their safety as fast as they could. Indeed there were of the Martyrs, pp. 280, 342, 3.]]
[some that made a case of conscience of it: among [? Be absent, is in. Coverdale, Strype and Foxe.]
[the rest, one Mrs Wilkinson, a woman of good [^ There, as you. Coverdale and Foxe.]]
[quality, and a great reliever of good men. Her the [^ In Christ’s religion. Strype and Foxe.]]
If you be loth to depart for slandering of God’s word’, remember, that Christ, when his hour was not yet come, departed out of his country into Samaria, to avoid the malice of the scribes and Pharisees; and commanded his apostles, that if they were pursued in one place, they should fly to another. And was not Paul let down by a basket out at a window, to avoid the persecution of Aretas? And what wisdom and policy he used from time to time, to escape the malice of his enemies, the Acts of the Apostles do declare. And after the same sort did the other apostles. Mary, when it came? to such a point, that they could no longer escape danger of the persecutors of God’s true religion; then they shewed themselves, that their flying before came not of fear, but of godly wisdom to do more good, and that they would not rashly, without urgent necessity, offer themselves to death; which had been but a temptation of God. Yet, when they were? apprehended, and could no longer avoid, then they stood boldly to the profession of Christ: then they shewed how little they passed of death; how auch they feared God more than men; how much they loved and preferred the eternal life to come above this short and miserable life.
Wherefore I exhort you, as well by Christ’s commandment as by the example of him and his apostles, to withdraw yourself from the malice of your and God’s enemies, into some place where God is most truly served?: which is no slandering of the truth, but a preserving of yourself to God and the truth, and to the society and comfort of Christ’s little flock. And that you will do, do it with speed, lest by your own folly you fall into the persecutors hands. And the Lord send his Holy Spirit to lead and guide you, wheresoever you go! And all that be godly will say, Amen.
T. Cranmer
CCCXII. To the Lords of the Council
[IN most humble wise sueth unto your right honourable lordships, Thomas Cranmer, Mss. Em-. 1]
[late archbishop of Canterbury!!; beseeching the same to be a means for me unto the Coll. Camb.]
[queen’s highness for her mercy and pardon. Some of you know by what means I ibit]
[was brought and trained unto the will of our late sovereign lord king Edward VI., jf ofthe]
[and what I spake against the same; wherein I refer me to the reports of your honours”, Ὁ fd, Furthermore, this is to signify unto your lordships, that upon Monday, Tuesday, Sr ap]
[and Wednesday last past were open disputations here in Oxford against me, master Cranmer,]
[Ridley, and master Latimer, in three matters concerning the sacrament: first, of the Noq ΟΡ]
[real presence: secondly, of transubstantiation: and thirdly, of the sacrifice of the Bd Oxon. A ne. 3 t 5,]
[mass”, How the other two were used”, I cannot tell’^; for we were separated: so roxes Acts d Monu-tB bei E INEST D HER 1464. Ed. [6 For slandering God’s word. Strype.] don, with the letters certificatory from the university Lond 1583 [7 Albeit when it came. Coverdale, Strype and unto the queen, by whom the archbishop of Canter-]
[Foxe. ] bury directed his letters supplicatory unto the coun- [ Yea, when they were. Coverdale, Strype and cil. The which letters after the prolocutor had re-]
[and Foxe.] to carry them.” Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, p. [” Thus stood the cause of Cranmer, (Vid. p. 1464, who gives the above as the copy of the arch-]
[443 supra, n. 4.) till at length it was determined by bishop’s letter to the council, sent by Dr Weston,]
[the queen and the council, that he should beremoved who refused to deliver it.]]
[from the Tower, where he was prisoner, to Oxford, [? Your honours and worships. Strype and]
[there to dispute with the doctors and divines.—And Foxe. Vid. Letter CCCX. p. 443, n. 3.]]
[although the queen and the bishops had concluded [’ Concerning the sacrifice of the mass, Cover-]
[before what should become of him, yet it pleased dale, Foxe and Strype, who here add: Upon Mon-]
[them that the matter should be debated with argu- day against me, upon Tuesday against doctor Ridley,]
[ments, that under some honest shew of disputation and upon Wednesday against master Latimer.”]
[the murder of the man might be covered. Foxe’s [3 Two were ordered I know not. Strype and]
[Acts and Monuments, p. 1871. Ed. Lond. 1583. Foxe.]]
[Vid. Disputations at Oxford. Vol. I. pp. 391, et [5 But as concerning myself I can report. Doctor]
[sqq. Park. Soc. Ed. and pp. 212, et sqq. supra. Chedsey was appointed to dispute against me; but]
[On Monday next ensuing, after these things done the disputation was so confused, that 1 never knew]
[and past, being the 23rd of the said month of April, the like, every man bringing forth what he liked]
[D. Weston, prolocutor, took his journey up to Lon- without order. Strype and Foxe.]]
CCCXIII. To Martyn and Story
Cortsin Let I uavE me commended unto you; and, as 1 promised, I have sent my letters unto queen, We. the queen’s majesty unsigned, praying you to sign them, and deliver them with all speed. and Mona. 1 might have sent them by the carrier sooner, but not surer: but hearing master 1s». gj. Bailiff say, that he would go to the court on Friday, I thought him a meeter messenger Lond. 1533 Qo send my letters by; for better is later and surer, than sooner and never to be delivered. Yet one thing I have written to the queen’s majesty inclosed and sealed, which I require you may be so delivered without delay, and not to be opened until it be delivered into her grace’s own hands. I have written all that I remember I said, except that which I spake against the bishop of Gloucesters own person, which I
[[! Suffered to be taken fully. Strype and Foxe.] [13 Condemned of heresy. Thus much, ἅς. [5 The words, before another brought a new Strype and Foxe. This much. Coverdale. ] argument,” are omitted by Coverdale. ] [’? To your lordships. Strype.] (> And in such weighty matters the disputations [’ Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer “had been must needs be ended in one day. Strypeand Foxe.] all three condemned and adjudged heretics by Dr [ Which can scantly be ended in three months. Weston, in the university of Oxford, after their disStrype. ] putations. But that sentence was void in law, be- [^ Answered them, they would not appoint. cause the authority of the pope was not yet received. Strype and Foxe. ] —But there was a new commission sent from Rome [ That they might answer us, being required for the conviction of Cranmer. Brokes, (bishop) of by me. Strype and Foxe. ] Glocester, was the pope’s sub-delegate under cardi- [7 Well discussed, as I suppose, in more than nal Puteo, to whom the pope had committed this twenty days. Strype and Foxe.] process; and Martyn and Story, doctors of the civil [^ To answer us fully to all that we can say. law, were the queen’s commissioners.” Strype’s Strype and Foxe.] Mem. of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. 11. pp. 532, 3. Ed. [? Feared their matter. Strype and Foxe.] Oxon. 1840. Vid. Examination at Oxford before [19 Or that they were. Strype.] Brokes,” pp. 212 et sqq. supra. The above Letter [! Or else for some consideration they made was probably written after the termination of the such haste, not to seek the truth, but to condemn proceedings; and there is a strong presumption us, that it must be done in post haste, before the that the letters here described are the two which matters could be thoroughly heard. Strype and follow.” Vid.Jenkyns’ Remains of Abp. Cranmer, Foxe.] Vol. I. p. 367, nn. i and k.]
thought not meet to write. And in some places I have written more than I said, which I would have answered to the bishop, if you would have suffered me. You promised I should see mine answers to the sixteen articles, that I might correct, amend, and change them, where I thought good: which your promise you kept not. And mine answer was not made upon my oath, nor repeated; nor made im judicio, but extra judicium, as Y protested; nor to the bishop of Gloucester as judge, but to you the king’s and queen’s proctors. I trust you deal sincerely with me, without fraud or craft, and use me as you would wish to be used in like case yourselves. Remember, that Qua mensura mensi fueritis, eadem remetietur vobis; 1. What measure you mete, the same shall be measured to you again.” “Thus fare you well, and God send you his Spirit to induce you into all truth! [Sep. 1555.]
CCCXIV. To Queen Mary
Ir may please your majesty to pardon my presumption, that I dare be so bold to certain Let-write to your highness; but very necessity constraineth me, that your majesty may oir know my mind rather by mine own writing, than by other men’s reports. So it is, ἐμ that upon Saturday”, being the seventh day of this month, I was cited to appear at Maris Rome the eightieth day after, there to make answer to such matters as should bep»,, objected against me upon the behalf of the king and your most excellent majesty: and Monu-which matters the Thursday following were objected against me by Dr Martin and I»ri. Dr Storie, your majesty’s proctors, before the bishop of Gloucester, sitting in judgment 153 by commission from Rome. But, alas! it cannot but grieve the heart of any natural subject, to be accused of the king and queen of his own realm, and specially before The king ana an outward judge, or by authority coming from any person out of this realm: where a the king and queen, as if they were subjects within their own realm, shall complain, iki ΜΕΝ and require justice at a strangers hands against their own subject, being already ing: of their condemned to death by their own laws. As though the king and queen could ποῦ foam out. do or have justice within their own realms against their own subjects, but they must NEUE seek it at a strangers hands in a strange land: the like whereof, I think, was never powerto seen. 1 would have wished to have had some meaner adversaries: and I think that Penh ig death shall not grieve me much more, than to have my most dread and most gracious sovereign lord and lady (to whom under God I do owe all obedience) to be mine The first accusers in judgment within their own realm, before any stranger and outward power. ped But forasmuch as in the time of the prince of most famous memory, king Henry ge Li the Eighth, your grace’s father, I was sworn never to consent that the bishop of popes comRome should have or exercise any authority or jurisdiction in this realm of England; t avom therefore, lest I should allow his authority contrary to mine oath, I refused to make [Goa Let. answer to the bishop of Gloucester, sitting here in judgment by the pope’s authority, queen and lest I should run into perjury. di] Another cause why I refused the pope authority is this, that his authority, as The second he claimeth it, repugneth to the crown imperial of this realm, and to the laws of the pat same, which every true subject 1$ bounden to defend. First, for that the pope saith, as that all manner of power, as well temporal as spiritual, is given first to him of God; EU and that the temporal power he giveth unto emperors and kings, to use it under him, Rud (ii but so as it be always at his commandment and beck. But contrary to this claim, The crown and temporal
[5 Vid. Interrogatories objected to the arch- [’ Subjects complaining. Foxe.]]
[bishop, with his answers to the same,” and his [/? Subject unto the pope.” Foxe, who omits]
[appeal at his degradation,” pp. 219—228, supra. ] the remainder of the side note.] [6 Where the side notes are found in the Letters, [? As they were subjects. Id.]]
[as they stand in Coverdale and Foxe, no reference [2 Their own subjects. Id.]]
[is made to them in the foot notes, but the omissions [22 The pope’s delegate. Id.]]
[and alterations are noticed.] [2% For that the pope’s. Coverdale.] [‘7 UponW’ednesday being the twe’ fth.” Foxe. [? So that the pope saith. Id.]]
rum. Mens 448 Letters. [1555.”
= the imperial crown and jurisdiction temporal of this realm is taken immediately from from God, to be used under him only, and is subject unto none but to God alone. Let- Moreover, the imperial laws’ and customs of this realm, the king in his coronation, and all justices when they receive their offices, be sworn, and all the whole realm is bounden, to defend and maintain. But contrary hereunto, the pope by his authority oft maketh void, and commandeth to blot out of our books all laws and customs, being yepugnant to his laws; and declareth accursed all rulers and governors, all the makers, writers, and executors of such laws or customs: as it appeareth by many of the pope’s laws, whereof one or two I shall rehearse. In the Decrees, Dist. 10. is written thus,.. » Constitutiones contra canones et decreta. prasulum Romanorum vel bonos mores nullius sunt momenti”. That is, “The constitutions or statutes enacted against the canons and decrees of the bishops of Rome or their good customs are of none effect.” Also, D vtro. De Sententia. Excommunicationis, Noverit:” Excommunicamus omnes heretiNT. 008 utriusque sexus, quocunque nomine censeantur, et fautores et receptatores et defensores eorum; mec mon et qui de cetero servari fecerint statuta edita et consuetudines introductas contra ecclesie libertatem, nisi ea de capitularibus suis intra duos menses post hujusmodi publicationem. sententie fecerint amoveri, Item, excommunicamus statutarios, et seriptores statutorum ipsorum, nec non potestates, consules, rectores, et consiliarios locorum, ubi de cetero hujusmodi statuta. et consuetudines editae fuerint vel servate; mec non et illos qui secundum ea prasumpserint judicare, vel in publicam formam. scribere judicata, That is to say, We excommunicate all heretics of both sexes, what name soever they be called by, and their favourers and receptors and defenders; and also them that shall hereafter cause to be observed the statutes” and customs made against the liberty of the church, except they cause the same to be put out of their records and chapters? within two months after the publication of this sentence’. Also we excommunicate the statute-makers and writers of those statutes, and all the potestates, consuls, governors and counsellors of places where such statutes and customs shall be made or kept; and also those that shall presume to give judgment according to them, or to write into public form the matters so adjudged”.
Now by these laws, if the bishop of Rome’s authority, which he claimeth by God, be lawful, all your grace’s laws and customs of your realm, being contrary to the pope’s laws, be naught: and as well your majesty, as your judges, justices, and all other et. executors of the same, stand accursed among heretics; which God forbid! And yet this curse can never be avoided, if the pope have such power as he claimeth, until such times as the laws and customs of this realm, being contrary to his laws, be taken away and. blotted out of the law-books. And although there be many laws of this realm tne contrary to the laws of Rome, yet I named but a few;as to convict a clerk before any ” temporal judge of this realm for debt, felony, murder, or for any other crime; which [14-3 clerks by the pope’s laws be so exempt from the king’s laws, that they can be no where sued but before their ordinary.
Also the pope by his laws may give all bishopricks and benefices spiritual, which by the laws of this realm can be given but only by the king and other patrons of the same, except they fall into the lapse.
By the popes laws, “jus patronatus” shall be sued only before the ecclesiastical judge, but by the laws of this realm it shall be sued before the temporal judges.”
And to be short, the laws of this realm do agree with the pope’s laws like fire
e Premu-
[! To the imperial laws. 1d.] [? The publication hereof. Foxe.]
[2 Vid. Collection of Tenets from the Canon Law, [19 Or put into public form of writing the matpp. 68-75. ] ters so judged. Coverdale. Or shall notify in pub- [38 Corpus Juris Canonici. Decreti I. Pars. lic form the matters so judged. Foxe.] Dist. 10. can. iv. Tom. I. p. 8. Ed. Paris. 1687.] [!! Foxe and Coverdale omit this side note en- [^ Consuetudines, contra. Foxe.] tirely.]
[> Corpus Juris Canonici. Decretal. Gregor. IX. [12 Such time. Foxe.] Lib. v. Tit. 39. De sentent. excommunicat. cap. [3 The pope’s law and the laws of England are xlix. Noverit.” Tom. II. p. 276.] contrary. Coverdale. The pope’s laws and the laws [9$ And their fautors. Foxe.] of England do vary, how and wherein. Foxe.]
(^ Observed, statutes. Coverdale. 4 Temporal judge. Coverdale and Foxe.]
[? Out of their books or records. Id.]
and water. And yet the kings of this realm have provided for their laws by the “preemunire; so that if any man have let the execution of the laws of this realm by any authority from the see of Rome, he falleth into the preemunire.”
But to meet with this, the popes have provided for their laws by cursing. For The proviso whosoever letteth the pope’s laws to have full course within this realm, by the pope’s re Lome power standéth accursed. So that the pope’s power treadeth all the laws and customs li of this realm under his feet, cursing all that execute them, until such time as they give place unto his laws.
But it may be said, that notwithstanding all the pope’s decrees, yet we do execute Mark this still the laws and customs of this realm. Nay, not all quietly without interruption C Im of the pope. And where we do execute them, yet we do it unjustly, if the pope’s power queen] be of force, and for the same we stand excommunicate, and shall do, until we leave the execution of our own laws and customs. Thus we be well reconciled to Rome, allowing such authority, whereby the realm standeth accursed before God, if the pope have any such authority.
These things, as I suppose, were not fully opened in the parliament-house, when The duty the pope’s authority was received again within this realm; for if they had, I do not neglected believe that either the king or queen’s majesty, or the nobles of this realm’, or the com- ment 7. [Cer-mons of the same, would ever have consented to receive again such a foreign authority, tothe queen. so injurious, hurtful, and prejudicial, as well to the crown as to the laws and customs, duty in the. arliament, and state of this realm, as whereby they must needs acknowledge themselves to be [Foxe] accursed. But none could open this matter well but the clergy, and that such of them as had read the pope’s laws, whereby the pope hath made himself as it were a god. These seek to maintain the pope, whom they desired to have their chief head, to the The papists intent they might have as it were a kingdom and laws within themselves, distinct from hd the laws of the crown, and wherewith the crown may not meddle; and so being exempt” DAMM. from the laws of the realm, might live in this realm like lords and kings, without A pU damage or fear of any man, so that they please their high and supreme head at Rome. ee kie For this consideration, I ween, some that knew the truth held their peace in the parlia- pe eerey ment; whereas if they had done their duties to the crown and whole realm, they should more addicthave opened their mouths, declared the truth, and shewed the perils and dangers that pope than might ensue to the crown and realm. Ἰρδίλρο to And if I should agree to allow such authority within this realm, whereby I must try- [Foxe] needs confess that your most gracious highness, and also your realm, should ever continue accursed, until you shall cease from the execution of your own laws and customs of your realm; I could not think myself true either to your highness, or to this my natural country, knowing that I do know. Ignorance, I know, may excuse other men; but he that knoweth how prejudicial and injurious the power and authority, which he challengeth every where, is to the crown, laws, and customs of this realm, and yet will allow the same, I cannot see in any wise, how he can keep his due allegiance, fidelity, and truth to the crown and state of this realm.
Another cause I alleged, why I could not allow the authority of the pope, which is The third this, that by his authority he subverteth not only the laws of this realm, but also the could notallaws of God: so that whosoever be under his authority, he suffereth them not to be The pope’s under Christ’s religion purely, as Christ did command. And, for one example, I brought against forth, that whereas by God’s laws all christian people be bounden diligently to learn co τον his word, that they may know how to believe and live accordingly, for that purpose - he ordained holy days, when they ought, leaving apart all other business, to give themselves wholly to know and serve God. Therefore God’s will and commandment is, that when the people be gathered together, ministers should use such language as the people may understand and take profit thereby, or else hold their peace. For as
^ The side-notes from Foxe are not found either [19 Being exempted. Coverdale and F oxe.
[in Certain Letters to the queen, or in Coverdale.] [?? Both of these side-notes are omitted in Certain]
[[^ The noblest of this realm. Foxe.] Letters to the queen.]]
[7 These notes are omitted altogether by Cover- [1 Foxe omits this note: it is found in Coverdale]
[dale. ] and Certain Letters to the queen. ]]
[[’ The pope had made himself, Foxe.] FTerANMER 11 1 29]
an harp or lute, if it give no certain sound, that men may know what is stricken, who ought.2 ^. vw… τὸ. Cam dance after it 7 for all the sound is in vain: so is it vain and profiteth nothing, saith Almighty God by the mouth of St Paul, if the priest speak to the people in a language which they know not; “for else he may profit himself, but profiteth not the people,” saith St Paul. But herein I was answered thus; that St Paul spake only of preaching, that the preacher should preach in a tongue which the people did know, or else his preaching availeth nothing. [This I would have spoken, and could not be suffered.]’ But if the preaching availeth nothing, being spoken in a language which the people understand not, how should any other service avail them, being spoken in the same language? And yet that St Paul meant not only of preaching, it appeareth plainly by his own words. For he speaketh by name expressly of praying, singing, lauding, and thanking of God? and of all other things which the priests say in the churches, whereunto the people say Amen; which they used not? in preaching, but in other divine service: that whether the priests rehearse the wonderful works of God, or the great benefits of God unto mankind above all other creatures, or give thanks unto God, or make open profession of their faith, or humble confession of their sins, with earnest request of mercy and forgiveness, or make suit or request unto God for any thing; that then all the people, understanding what the priests say, might give their minds and voices with them, and say Amen, that is to say, allow what the priests say; that the rehearsal of God’s universal works and benefits, the giving of thanks, the profession of faith, the confession of sins, and the requests and petitions of the priests and the people? might ascend up into the ears of God all together, and be as a sweet savour, odour, and incense in his nose: and thus was it used many hundred years after Christ’s ascension. But the aforesaid things cannot be done, when the priests speak to the people in a language not known; and so they (or their clerk in their name) say Amen, but they cannot tell whereunto. Whereas St Paul saith, How can the people say Amen to thy well saying, when they understand not what thou sayest?” And thus was St Paul understanden of all^ interpreters, both the Greeks and Latins, old and new, schoolauthors and others, that I have read, until about thirty years past: at which time one Eckius, with other of his sort, began to devise a new exposition, understanding St Paul of preaching only.
But when a good number of the best learned men reputed within this realm, some to favouring the old, some the new learning, as they term it, (where indeed that which they:… ς
call the old is the new, and that which they call the new is indeed the old;) but when a
Let- great number of such learned men of both sorts were gathered together at Windsor’, for the e reformation of the service of the church; it was agreed by both, without controversy (not one saying contrary ^), that the service of the church ought to be in the mother-tongue, and
that St Paul in the fourteenth chapter to the Corinthians was so to be understanden. the And so is St Paul to be understanden in the civil law, more than a thousand years past, whe where Justinianus, a most godly emperor, in a synod writeth on this manner: Jubemus, ut omnes episcopi pariter et presbyteri non tacito modo, sed clara voce, que a fideli populo exaudiatur, sacram, oblationem. et preces in sacro. baptismate adhibitas celebrent, quo ” majori exinde devotione in depromendis Domini Dei laudibus audientium animi efferan-
} This sentence is omitted by Coverdale and Reformation (Park. Soc.) Letter CLII. and note 3.
[Foxe.] [2 When I was in office, all that were esteemed [? Singing and thanking of God. Foxe. ] learned in God’s word agreed this to be a truth in? Which they use not. Id.] God’s word written, that the common prayer of the [ Thing, then all. Coverdale and Foxe.] church should be had in the common tongue. You [^ And of the people. Foxe.] know I have conferred with many, and 1 ensure you ($ Understood of all. Foxe.] I never found man, (so far as I do remember,) [7 These were the commissioners who drew up neither old nor new, gospeller nor papist, of what]
[Edward VI.’s first Communion Book, and first judgment soever he was, in this thing to be of a]
[Common Prayer Book. King Edward in his Jour- contrary opinion.” Ridley’s letter to West, Cover-]
[nal mentions them thus: A parliament was called, dale’s Letters of the Martyrs, p. 42. Ed. Lond.]
[when an uniform order of prayer was institute, be- 1564. Strype’s Mem. of Abp. Cranmer, Vol. II.]
[fore made by a number of bishops and learned men p. 967. Ed. Oxon. 1840.]]
[gathered together in Windsor.” Journal, Ann. 2.” [? Both these side-notes are omitted in Cover-]
[Jenkyns’ Remains of Cranmer, Vol. I. p. 375.— dale, and the former of them is not found in Foxe.]]
[See also Original Letters relative to the English]
tur. Ita enim et Divus Paulus docet in epistola ad Corinth. Si solummodo benedicat spiritus, quomodo is qui privati locum tenet, dicet ad gratiarum, actionem tuam, Amen? quandoquidem. quid. dicas mon videt. Tw quidem pulchre gratias agis, alter autem non adificatur. That is to say: “We command that all bishops and priests celebrate the holy oblation and prayers used in holy baptism, not after a still, close manner, but with a clear, loud voice, that they may be plainly heard of the faithful people, so as the hearers minds may be lifted up thereby with the greater devotion in uttering the praises of the Lord God. For so Paul teacheth also in the epistle to the Corinthians: If the spirit do only bless (or say well), how shall he that occupieth the place of a private person, say Amen to thy thanksgiving? for he perceiveth not what thou sayest. Thou dost give thanks well, but the other is not edified.’” And not only the civil law and all other writers a thousand and five hundred years continually together have expounded St Paul not of preaching only, but of other service said in the church; but also reason giveth the same, that if men be commanded to hear any thing, it must be spoken in a language which the hearers understand, or else (as St Paul saith) what availeth it to hear? So that the pope giving a contrary commandment, that the people coming to the church shall hear they wot not what, and shall answer they know not whereto ”^, taketh upon him to command, not only against reason, but also directly against God. And again I said, whereas our Saviour Christ ordained the sacrament of his most precious body and blood to be received of all christian people under the forms of both bread and wine, and said of the cup, Drink ye all of this;” the pope giveth a clean contrary commandment, that no lay-man shall drink of the cup of their salvation; as though the cup of salvation by the blood of Christ pertained not to lay-men. And whereas Theophilus Alexandrinus (whose works St Jerome did translate about eleven hundred years past) saith, That if Christ had been crucified for the devils, his cup should not be denied them’;” yet the pope denieth the cup of Christ to christian people, for whom Christ was crucified. So that if I should obey the pope in these things, I must needs disobey my Saviour Christ.
But I was answered hereunto (as commonly the papists do answer), that under the form of bread is whole Christ’s flesh and blood: so that whosoever receiveth the form of bread, receiveth as well Christ’s blood as his flesh. Let it be so: yet in the form of bread only Christ’s blood is not drunken, but eaten; nor is it received in the cup in the form of wine, as Christ commanded, but eaten with the flesh under the form of bread. And, moreover, the bread is not the sacrament of his blood, but of his flesh only; nor the cup is not the sacrament of his flesh, but of his blood only. And so the pope keepeth from all lay-persons the sacrament of their redemption by Christ’s blood, which Christ commandeth to be given unto them.
And furthermore, Christ ordained the sacrament in two kinds, the one separated from the other, to be a representation of his death, where his blood was separated from his flesh; which is not represented in one kind alone: so that the lay people receive not the whole sacrament, whereby Christ’s death 1s represented, as he commanded.
Moreover, as the pope taketh upon him to give the temporal sword, or royal and imperial power, to kings and princes; so doth he likewise take upon him to depose them from their imperial states, if they be disobedient to him, and commandeth the subjects to disobey their princes, assoiling the subjects as well of their obedience as of their lawful oaths made unto their true kings and princes, directly contrary to God’s commandment, who commandeth all subjects to obey their kings, or their rulers under them.
One John, patriarch of Constantinople in the time of St Gregory, claimed superiority
[[? Animi afficiantur. Foxe.] [15 Si enim et pro dzmonibus crucifigetur, per [! Novell. Constitut, exxiii. de ecclesiast. divers. hzc impossibile esse demonstrat, dzemones de calice]
[capit. p. 215. Ed. Paris. 1562, where, in sancto Domini bibere — Ex quibus omnibus approbatur,]
[baptismo;—et divus apostolus docet, dicens in prima Christum pro dzmonibus non posse crucifigi, ne]
[ad. Corinthios epistola, Enimvero si solummodo be- daemones corporis et sanguinis ejus participes fiant.]
[nedicas spiritu private, locum implet; actionem “Theoph. Alex. in Mag. Biblioth. Vet. Patr. Epist.]
[tuam Deo ipsum Amen.] Pasch. i. Cap. x1. Tom. 11. p. 619. Ed. Venet. [5 They not whereunto. Foxe.] 1765—1781.] [’? Omitted in Certain Letters to the queen, and [^ Sword by royal. Foxe.]]
[Coverdale.] 20—2]
And moreover his lawyers and glosers so flatter him, that they feign he may command emperors and kings to hold his stirrup when he lighteth upon his horse, and to be his foot-men; and that, if any emperor and king gave him any thing, they give him nothing but that is his own; and that he may dispense against God’s word, against both the old and new Testament, against St Paul’s epistles, and against the gospel. And furthermore whatsoever he doth, although he draw innumerable people by heaps with himself into hell, yet may no mortal man reprove him, because he, being judge of all men, is may be judged of no man. And thus he sitteth in the temple of God, as if he were a ^ God” and nameth himself God’s vicar, and yet he dispenseth against God. If this be ς not to play antichrist’s part, I cannot tell what is antichrist, which is no more to say but anti- Christ’s enemy and adversary, who shall sit in the temple of God, advancing himself above all other, yet by hypocrisy and feigned religion shall subvert the true religion of ^ Christ, and under pretence and colour of christian religion shall work against Christ, and therefore hath the name of antichrist. Now if any man lift himself higher than the pope hath done, who lifteth himself above all the world; or can be more adversary to Christ, than to dispense against God’s laws, and where Christ hath given any commandment, to command directly the contrary, that man must needs be taken for antichrist. But until the time that such a person may be found, men may easily conjecture where to find antichrist.
Wherefore, seeing the pope thus (to overthrow both God’s laws and man’s laws) taketh upon him to make emperors and kings to be vassals and subjects unto him, ^ and specially the crown of this realm, with the laws and customs of the same; I see 8,.. NK. no mean how I may consent to admit his usurped power within this realm, contrary to mine oath, mine obedience to God’s law, mine allegiance and duty to your majesty, and my love and affection to this realm.
This that I have spoken against the power and authority of the pope, I have not ken (I take God to record and judge) for any malice I owe to the pope’s person, whom 500 Judg y pop P; I know not; but I shall pray to God to give him grace that he may seek above all things to promote God’s honour and glory, and not to follow the trade of his predecessors in these latter days.
Nor I have not spoken it for fear of punishment, and to avoid the same, thinking it rather an occasion to aggravate than to diminish my trouble: but I have spoken it for my most bounden duty to the crown, liberties, laws, and customs of this realm of England; but most specially to discharge my conscience in uttering the truth to God’s glory, casting away all fear by the comfort which I have in Christ, who saith: Fear not them — that kill the body, and cannot kill the soul; but fear him that can cast both body and Coverdale.]
! Omitted in Certain Letters to the queen, and [^ Omitted in Coverdale.
[Coverdale.] [^ Vid. Collection of Tenets from the Canon [^ Ego autem fidenter dico, quia quisquis se Law, 9. 4. 3. p. 70, supra.]]
[universalem sacerdotem vocat, vel vocari desiderat, [9$ As he were God. Foxe.]]
[in elatione sua antichristum pracurrit, quia superbi- [7 The first part of thisnoteto Christ’senemy,”]
[endo se ceteris przponit. Greg. Epist. Lib. vr. is found in all the copies; the last clause only in]
[Epist. xxx. p. 888. Ed. Basil. 1564.] Foxe.]]
[NO omits the words above all bishops, but [? Omitted by Coverdale.]]
soul into hell-fire.” He that for fear to lose this life will forsake the truth, shall lose the everlasting life: and he that for the truth’s sake will spend his life, shall find everlasting life. And Christ promiseth to stand fast with them before his Father, which will stand fast with him here. Which comfort is so great, that whosoever hath his eyes fixed upon Christ, cannot greatly pass on this life, knowing that he may be sure to have Christ stand by him in the presence of his Father in heaven.
And as touching the sacrament, I said: forasmuch as the whole matter standeth in The sacrathe understanding of these words of Christ, This is my body, This is my blood;” [Foxe.] I said that Christ in these words made demonstration of the bread and wine, and spake jhe sacra figuratively, calling bread his body and wine his blood, because he ordained them to be jos meo sacraments of his body and blood. And where the papists say in these two points J creof they contrary unto me, that Christ called not bread his body, but a substance uncertain, nor ($us spake figuratively: herein I said I would be judged by the old church; and which A double doctrine could be proved the elder, that I would stand unto. And forasmuch as I have papists in alleged in my book many old authors, both Greeks and Latins, which above a thousand sacrament. years after Christ continually taught as I do; if they could bring forth but one old standeth to author, that saith in these two points as they say, I offered six or seven years ago, and do the oif offer yet still, that I will give place unto them. ry But when I bring forth any author that saith in most plain terms as I do, yet saith The papists the other party”, that the authors meant not so: as who should say, that the authors bring forth spake one thing, and meant clean contrary. And upon the other part, when they can- torabovea not find any one author that saith in words as they say; yet say they, that the authors yeu omake meant as they say. Now, whether I or they speak more to the purpose herein, I refer zorument. me to the judgment of all indifferent hearers: yea, the old church of Rome, above a tf] thousand years together, neither believed nor used the sacrament as the church of Rome hath done of late years.
For in the beginning the church of Rome taught a pure and a sound doctrine of the sacrament. But after that the church of Rome fell into a new doctrine of transubstantiation; with the doctrine they changed the use of the sacrament, contrary to withthesubthat Christ commanded, and the old church of Rome used above a thousand years. And i δμα yet, to deface the old, they say that the new is the old: wherein for my part I am tnezxacontent to stand to the trial. But their doctrine is so fond and uncomfortable, that I (Foxe. marvel that any man would allow it, if he knew what it is. But, howsoever they bear the people in hand, that which they write in their books hath neither truth nor comfort.
For by their doctrine’, of one body of Christ is made two bodies; one natural, The papists having distance of members, with form and proportion of man’s perfect body, and this wo bodies. body is in heaven; but the body of Christ in the sacrament, by their own doctrine, must Neither truth needs be a monstrous body, having neither distance of members, nor form, fashion, or Ifthe pope proportion of a man’s natural body. And such a body is in the sacrament, teach they, the sacraand goeth into the mouth with the form of bread, and entereth no farther than the Markthe,. form of bread goeth, nor tarrieth no longer than the form of bread is by natural heat P»istin. in digesting: so that when the form of bread is digested, that body of Christ is gone. Of Che Be And forasmuch as evil men be as long in digesting as good men, the body of Christ, by their doctrine, entereth as far and tarrieth as long in wicked men as in godly men. And what comfort can be herein to any christian man, to receive Christ’s unshapen body, and it to enter no farther than the stomach, and to depart by and bye as soon as the bread is consumed?
It seemeth to me a more sound and comfortable doctrine, that Christ hath but one The souna body, and that hath form and fashion of a man’s true body; which body spiritually Dee ern entereth into the whole man, body and soul: and though the sacrament be consumed, [Certain Let ters to the —— MÀ queen.]
[[ἢ Omitted in Certain Letters to the queen, and [? Vid. Disputations at Oxford with Harpsfield,]
[Coverdale.] Vol. I. p. 423, et sqq.] [? Vid Vol. I p. 110, et sqq.] [ The latter clause from neither truth, &c.” [’! Saith the other part. Coverdale and Foxe.] is only found in Foxe. ] [’? Omitted by Coverdale and Foxe.]]
Theprotes. yet, whole Christ remaineth, and feedeth the receiver unto eternal life, (if he continue in of the sacta- godliness,) and never departeth until the receiver forsake him. And as for the wicked, comfortable. they have not Christ within them at all, who cannot be where Belial is. And this is e ofthe my faith, and (as meseemeth) a sound doctrine, according to God’s word, and sufficient for a Christian to believe in that matter. And if it can be shewed unto me that the pope’s authority is not prejudicial to the things before mentioned, or that my doctrine in the sacrament is erroneous, which I think cannot be shewed; then I never was nor will be so perverse to stand wilfully in mine own opinion, but I shall with all humility submit myself unto the pope, not only to kiss his feet, but another part also. AST c Another cause why I refused to take the bishop of Gloucester for my judge, was anbbRhO? (ho respect of his own person being more than once perjured. First, for that he being shop PIOK divers times sworn never to consent that the bishop of Rome should have any jurisdiction Ie] ^ within this realm, but to take the king and his successors for supreme heads of this realm, Thebishop of as by God’s laws they be; contrary to that lawful oath, the said bishop sat then in ΝΥ MR judgment by authority from Rome: wherein he was perjured and not worthy to sit ian iste judge Double per- The second perjury was, that he took his bishoprick both of the queen’s majesty Tay rarest, and of the pope, making to each of them a solemn oath: which oaths be so contrary, e on that the one must needs be perjured..And furthermore in swearing to the pope to of Gloucester maintain his laws, decrees, constitutions, ordinances, reservations, and provisions, he Zh enemy io declareth himself an enemy to the imperial crown, and to the laws and state of this realm: whereby he declared himself not worthy to sit as a judge within this realm. And for these considerations I refused to take him for my judge. [Sept. 1555.]
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