The Orginal Life of Zwingli [The life of Huldreich Zwingli by Oswald Myconius, written in Latin in 1532, and dedicated to Agathius of Bern, put into modern English from Neander’s edition of the lives of the Four Reformers,—Luther by Melanchthon; Melanchthon by Camerarius; Zwingli by Myconius; and Calvin by Beza (Vite quatuor Reformatorum, Berlin, 1841)—on the basis of the version by Henry Bennet, published in London in 1561, and revised by Mr. Henry Preble. This is the first life of Zwingli to be written.]
I.—Introductton
VOU have asked me, my dear friend Agathius, for a thing as worthy of execution as it is far beyond the compass of my skill. For great things require great powers. My training has been such as to make me creep upon the ground so far, and nature implanted a sort of instinctive lowliness in me at birth. And is it not indeed an arduous task to sketch the life of Zwingli? I do not say to write it fully, and you very wisely do not ask this, being well aware of what is to be demanded of the humbly endowed. The person properly fitted for that [z. e., for writing a worthy life of Zwingli] were not so much a Plutarch as a Cicero: so great is he in the estimation of his friends, and in reality, though so small in the eyes of his enemies, and you say yourself, that Zwingli has been spoken of in your ears as God, while there are those who disparage him so much that you wonder that the earth does not open and swallow them. For this cause, you say, you long.to become acquainted with the man from some one well acquainted with his life and conversation: and this particularly on account of the books so solidly composed,
which he left. For you want these to have the greatest influence possible. I will not deny that I knew Zwingh intimately, both as my highly valued patron, and as the most beloved of advisers: that, therefore,1 am his debtor to no slight degree. But what can I give?—so barren am I of appropriate expression! If you had not asked me I might have forgotten my indebtedness, but now that you press me I will do what I can. And I can say simply, and truly, and briefly things that, I think, will give satisfaction to your soul, for whom alone I would have what I am about to say written. II.—Zwingl’s parentage and birthplace. His precocity. At ten years of age sent to Buenzli, the schoolmaster at Basel. His literary and philosophical studies at Bern and Vienna. He was born, then, of worthy parents, his father [Huldreich] Zwingli, his mother Margarita Meylina [Meile], about the year 1487 [correctly January 1, 1484], in the village of the Toggenburg called Wildhaus, at a height which is almost equal to that of any mountain in Switzerland. I have more ν than once thought, in my simple-mindedness, that he drew something of divine quality directly from the heavens near which he lived, and surely there has not for many years been seen among men anything so nearly approaching the divine. His father was distinguished for his holiness of life and for having attained to the highest dignity his neighbours could bestow, for he was chosen Ammann [chief magistrate]. Seeing signs of promise in his little boy, he committed him at a very tender age to his brother, a priest, to see if there were the making of a scholar in him. The boy soon gave such satisfaction that he was sent to a school-teacher under whom he learned so quickly that he found all the things he was taught too easy to give his clever intellect due exercise. Therefore he was sent to Basel, being then about ten years old, and placed under the teacher, Gregory Buenzli, a good man, learned and wonderfully gentle. Here, forthwith, he made such progress in character and
letters that in the disputations, which were then customary, he carried off all the honours from all the boys and youths of the school, on which account he incurred the greatest hatred on the part of the older boys. His proficiency in music was beyond what is expected of his years, as 15 apt to be the case with those especially gifted by nature in any particular art. His studies were recognised by Buenzli, who loved him dearly, as not congruous with such joyous and pregnant wit.’ Wherefore, sending him home, he counselled that measures should be taken for his education in accordance with the excellence of his abilities. So it came about that he was sent to Bern, and came under Heinrich Lupulus, a remarkably learned man, and famous also as a poet, who was the first to teach the classics in Switzerland. Introduced by him into the secrets of classical learning, he acquired elegance of diction, and the knowledge and discernment of things. He also learned the theory of poesy, so that he could compose verses himself, and felicitously criticise those composed by others. In somewhat less than two years, he had laid the foundation for the study of philosophy. So he went next to Vienna [1500], and there embraced in his studies all that philosophy embraces, turning it to good account, for the increase and embellishment of his learning.
III.—Return to Basel; teacher of the classics in the school attached to St. Martin’s church; mitigates the severity of his studies with the delights of music.
After several years thus spent, he was recalled home. Then in order not to put off longer the practical application of his learning, he went to Basel [1502], where he poured forth for the benefit of others, what he had been taught, for being the head master of St. Martin’s school he taught the humanities to the great advantage of the boys. Meanwhile, he more closely studied philosophy, and followed carefully the trifling of the sophists with no other intention than that, if That is, he had outgrown Buenzli’s school.
he should ever be fighting against them, he might know his enemy. He mingled wit and pleasantry with these serious studies: for he was sunny in disposition, and agreeable in conversation to an extraordinary degree. Afterwards, he devoted himself to the theory and practice of all kinds of musical instruments, with no other purpose than to refresh his mind, when wearied by severe study, and be able to return to such study with renewed vigour. I am well aware, Agathius, what occurs to you in connection with this, namely that his enemies have turned his devotion to music against him, asserting that music is rather the handmaid of voluptuous pleasure than a help to study. And I confess that I have often heard far more abominable things about him, especially from the priests living in concubinage: but then, what is anywhere so holy that it escapes the besmirching of foul tongues! I know whereof I speak, and do not care what carping critics say. Is it not a most solid argument for the truth of what I affirm, that he not only cultivated music in this way himself, but earnestly advised all students of letters to cultivate it on the same grounds? For since there is nothing that so harmlessly cheers the mind of man, however disturbed by sorrow, or clears it more happily, however clouded by perplexities, why should he not have given such advice?
IV.—Becoming Master of Arts, 1506, he is elected pastor of Glarus, and gives himself up entirely to theological studies.
Now when he had for some time sweated over his studies, both of the liberal arts, and of philosophy, he received the Master’s degree, the customary reward in the schools of such labour; yielding more to the general opinion of men, who judge those only learned who bear these glittering titles, than to his own feeling. Then, because the regular course of things demanded it, he paid diligent heed to theology in the scholastic form, but he quickly perceived what a waste of good time it involved, since it was such a jumble of worldly
wisdom, philosophy, God, inane loquacities, barbarities, vainglory, and things of that description, that no sane doctrine could reasonably be hoped from it. Nevertheless, he continued in the enemy’s camp, like a spy as it were, until the Glareans chose him as their pastor, although he had not yet been ordained. Then, truly, what had been begun by others, he was compelled to complete. He became a priest, devoted himself to studies, especially to theological studies, for henceforward he made little account of the heathen classics, unless they assisted him in the sacred things, and in preaching. With this end in view, it should be said in passing, that for the sake of the illustrations he committed Valerius Maximus to memory, and did not forget him. He saw how many things he ought to know, to whom the office of teaching the flock of Christ had been entrusted, but more especially, the indispensable knowledge of God, as well as the eloquence, through which he could expound everything rightly and profitably, in such a way that anybody could understand him. What he thought should be done, he did. He pored over the Old and New Testaments, studied orators and their orations to find out their secret, and found it: he put it into practice, however, not after the fashion of Cicero, but so as to profit us both in speaking and in forming opinions. So he made such progress that he was considered by learned and virtuous men to have the Sacred Scriptures at ready command. But he was so far from being satisfied with this, that he desired to add to it a knowledge of the sacred tongues: by which he knew he would be able to fill up what he still lacked. Wherefore, he gave himself first to the Greek tongue, by the help of lexicons and translations. He copied Paul’s Epistles [in Greek], and committed them to memory, so that it finally came to this, that he understood the Greek better than the Latin. Afterwards, he dealt in the same way with all the books which make up the New Testament. Having learned subsequently from Peter that
[This is a mistake. The transcript was made at Einsiedeln in 1517, as he]
[states himself.]
the Scriptures are not of private interpretation, he looked up to heaven, seeking the Spirit as his teacher, and supplicating with prayer that He would bestow that by which the meaning of the Divine mind might be as perfectly elucidated as possible. And lest he should deceive either himself or others, by a false representation of the Spirit, he compared Scripture with Scripture, and elucidated the dark by the clear, so that no one should fail to perceive that the Spirit and not a man was the teacher, whenever he expounded Scripture. Oh fact divine! Thus it came about that knowledge of heavenly truth, which lay hidden a long time, to the detriment and perdition of souls, was happily restored to us. He felt about the orthodox writers [the Fathers?] as they felt about themselves, that they should be read with discrimination, and tested by the canonical Scriptures as by a touchstone: for they were generally speaking too much adulterated by philosophy and human reasoning to make it right to grant them the authority of Scripture, as had been done hitherto nevertheless. What he had thus learned he turned to practical account in this way. He began to fight according to the precept of Christ against the most pernicious abuses, above all against the pensions (as we call the presents of princes, which used to be given to certain men for the sake of their help in hiring soldiers and making war), which it was his fixed determination utterly to root out so that the country might return to its pristine virtue. For he saw that there would be room for the heavenly doctrine only when the fountain was cleansed of all evil. There is no reason, Agathius, why you should say to yourself, “Zwingli while yet a papist thought thus of the gospel?” Believe me, twenty-seven years ago, on account of this very thing, and because he had not condemned the theses of John Picus of Mirandola concerning those matters which he [Picus] had once vainly set up at Rome in order that he might debate them, he was secretly spoken of by certain blockheads as a heretic. Hence odium, impudence in speech, outcry, wily working of the children of the world
against Zwingli took their beginning, and increased as his virtues increased. On the other hand, the man was so loved by those who favoured the right and the good, among them the elders and the virtuous among the people, also priests of a less corrupt life, that they were encouraged to hope that he would restore the ancestral righteousness. Meanwhile he preached gospel grace without alluding at all or very cautiously to the abuses of the Church of Rome. He wanted the truth acknowledged by his hearers to do its good work in their hearts, for by truths perceived and understood we are able without difficulty to distinguish the false. Nor did the time permit anything different, for the truth would have been wholly lost amid so great a wantonness and evilmindedness of mankind sooner than the abuses of religion would have been done away. It is true that I cannot clear him while a young man of all stain of sin, but his regard for purity, and especially for his holy office, constantly restrained him from weakening the influence of the heavenly teachings by a bad example. Such was Zwingli at Glarus.
v. 1. He removes to Einsiedeln, 1510; by reason of his increased acquaintance with Christ and. the Greek literature, he comes lo perfect understanding of both the Old and New Testaments.
An opportunity was offered to remove to Einsiedeln, which for the time being seemed an eminently sensible thing to do. Theobold Geroldseck [von Hohengeroldseck], a baron, and a doctor of theology, a man equally devoted to learning, to the learned, and to true piety, administrator at that time of the Hermitage of the Holy Virgin, called him. The concourse of men from almost all parts of mankind, so celebrated was the name of the place, attracted him, as it gave such a favourable opportunity to preach Christ and his truth in regions varied and remote; and also by reason of his greater leisure he could prosecute the study of Greek, which
he had not unpromisingly begun, until he attained, as it were, to the summit. Nor was his hope wholly disappointed, for Christ began to be known more soundly, and he carried forward his Greek studies until he attained a perfect knowledge of both Testaments.
VI.—Called to the first parish in Zurich, he entered upon his service on Christmas day, 1510.
At this juncture the church at Zurich lacking a pastor in its first parish [the pastor primarius] was blest with men among its members who laboured day and night to get him chosen instead of any one else. He knew nothing of this himself until, happening to go to Zurich, he was asked by a canon of Zurich, whether he would be able to take charge of the people at Zurich in the matter of preaching the word of the Lord? He replied that he was able, and if in so celebrated a place Christ’s grace was preached and received it could scarcely be that the other Swiss cantons would not follow its example, and so a return to sense be made. Although he knew that he should not receive as much salary as he relinquished, still if they offered him the service he would reply in accordance with their wish, for he would not offer himself as a candidate. Not long after I was secretly directed, I, I say, Agathius, at the time of election, after many had personally canvassed for the place, to put Zwingli’s name in nomination for the office of pastor. I consented, the thing went through, he was called, to the very great satisfaction of the good. A little while after this in the very first meeting with the canons he declared in person what and how he proposed to teach the people, to wit, the history of Christ the Saviour as Matthew the Evangelist describes him, nor should his honour be longer obscured, whose excellence had now for a long time been hidden to the detriment of the Divine glory and of souls. The same, however, he would expound not according to human reason indeed, seeing that he was sworn to no interpreter, but according to the purpose
of the Spirit, which through diligent collating of the Scriptures, and through fervent prayers from the heart, he doubted not that he should be given to understand. On hearing this some mourned, and some rejoiced, just as there had been difference of opinion previously among his electors. What, therefore, he promised he began on Christmas day, 1519, and thenceforward prosecuted with good omens.
VII.—The fame of Luther is noised abroad. Zwingl commends his writings. He inveighs powerfully against the pensionaries, oppressors of the poor, and the idle rich.
While this was taking place the name of Luther from day to day became more celebrated as his books were more and more sedulously thumbed by all. Zwingli himself kept away from them, but he faithfully exhorted his flock, even from the pulpit, to buy and read them. See, I beg of you, his idea. He wished that the people, hearing and reading them, after they learned that he himself had abstained from reading them, should perceive the parity in spirit between himself and Luther, yea, their unity, both drawing out of the Divine Scriptures, and so would more freely adhere, and be obedient unto the truth, however much it might seem at variance with what they were used to. In this way marvellous success was attained in a short time. The method of his teaching bore away the palm, for by means of it the simple learned equally with the most intelligent and acute. It was adapted to the norm of the common mind. Therefore it was not possible that any one attending his preaching could go away without being better informed and enriched in divine learning. Thus while he taught the light of truth clearly and most zealously, no one ever spoke more sharply against vice: and especially did he inveigh heavily against the pensionaries, the oppressors of the poor, and against those wasting their lives in luxury and idleness. He exercised an authority in rebuke such as I have seen in no other person. While with burning words he thundered against idleness and
pensions, he always added, in order that worthy persons who were accounted as of the same rank and class as the reprobate might not be disturbed, Good man, this is not meant for you. You have no personal interest in what I am saying, so pay no attention to it.” Sometimes he pressed his theme too far, especially at moments when things had happened in consequence of which he made remarks or digressions. This was why in the beginning vicious schemes, either of priests or of persons abusing their power, were formed against the course he advocated. For when it had come to pass that by far the better and more numerous part of the people believed the truth, he sometimes used these ‘“digressions” against those things which were less to be borne within the Church. On this account not an hour passed in which either from the laity or the priests there was not brought out some most insidious plot against this champion of the good and the true. But perhaps there will be an opportunity to expatiate upon this in another place. Now let us return for a little while to his studies.
VIII.—Hhus studies and scheme of life
In the midst of these anxious labours he never omitted his reading of the Greek authors, but went through Homer, Aristotle, Plato, Demosthenes, Thucydides, and in lighter vein Lucian, Theocritus, Hesiod, Aristophanes, and others. And because his studies required it, and just then Andrew Boschenstein, learned in the Hebrew language, came to Zurich to open a school, he became his very diligent pupil. These studies at once pleased him: wherefore after he obtained from the Senate [the Great Council] a gymnasium [a high-school] of good learning in which the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew tongues should be taught, he urged strongly that James Ceporinus, a young man proficient in the three languages, should be called: under him it was that Zwingli acquired whatever pertained to grammar. Then, having collated the Septuagint with the translation of Jerome with
Disputations II the assistance of Leo Jud, who had previously made some progress in these labours and studies, and of Felix Manx, afterwards branded with the marks of Catabaptism, never to be gotten rid of, he ventured dexterously to expound Isaiah and Jeremiah, those most excellent prophets. He carried on all his studies standing up, setting apart certain hours for them, and nothing but dire necessity compelled him to omit them. From early morning to 10 o’clock he gave himself to reading, exegesis, theology, and writing, as time and occasion required. After dinner [the usual hour was 10 A.M.] he attended to those who wished to talk with him or get his advice or he conversed or walked out with his friends till two o’clock; then he returned to his study. After supper he walked about a little, then generally wrote his letters, which occupation sometimes kept him up til midnight. Moreover, as often as business compelled he was at the command of the Senate.
IX.—Machinations of enemies. Successful disputation of Zwingli with Francis Lambert on the intercession of the Saints; other disputations with others follow. The Pope’s [Adrian VI.’s] letter to Zwingli.
Just at this place, Agathius, if it pleases you to hear about the labours of Zwingli against the enemies of the truth, and the machinations of the wily workers against this man of God, it is necessary to go back a little. “To be sure Francis Lambert, a Minorite of Avignon, whose name was familiar to the French and German nations, is not to be reckoned among his enemies. Nevertheless, because he was among the first to bring on the attacks on Zwingli, he should not be passed over. Leaving the monastery, he came to Zurich [1522], not having doffed his Franciscan robes, and immediately joined with Zwingli in a public disputation upon the intercession of the Saints. I do not know what moved the man, whether it was merely the truth or because he really did it only to keep up appearances, but after a pretty long
speech he yielded readily and thanked God that by means of so excellent an instrumentality God had plainly and clearly granted him knowledge of the truth. Not long after he was followed by John Faber, Vicar General of Constance, and Doctor Martin Blansch, preacher at Tübingen, who were sent by Hugo, Bishop of Constance, at the request of the Zurichers. Although they had nothing in their orders beyond hearing the causes of the differences—so they reported—and studying how they might be ended, yet one word led to another and they fell 1nto discussions concerning the gospel, the intercession of the Saints, the constitution of man, and I know not what else, sothat the day passed in this manner, and not unprofitably, for all the multitude, whose number was about six hundred, came to realise that earthly things are nothing in comparison with heavenly things. The Bishop did not satisfy himself with sending the aforesaid delegation, for not long after his suffragan came to Zurich to persuade them to believe in the intercession of the Saints and the sacrifice of the Mass, which also he attempted in his book so highly praised by many scholars. But in this he had his labour for his pains, for a man noble both in blood and spirit on being asked what the vicar-general had done replied, “the vicar-general drove away the sow; we drive thelitter.” Then it was, these things having fallen out thus most favourably to religion by the grace of God, Huldreich [Zwingli] was first compelled to write, but what books, and what useful books—for they present sound doctrine in a way at once simple and profound such as no other books do with which I am acquainted—he left behind him it is not necessary even briefly to describe or even to write their titles, as they are all accessible, and bear amplest testimony to themselves.
While these things were occurring, somehow the report of Zwingli reached even to the Roman Pontiff, who sent to us a legate with a letter to him in these words:
“Adrian, Pope, Sixth of the name, to his dear son
sendeth salutations, and the Apostolical benediction. We send the venerable brother Ennius, Bishop of Verulam, our domestic prelate and nuncio of the Apostolic See, a man distinguished for prudence and fidelity, to that unconquerable nation most completely linked unto us and to the Holy See, in order that he may treat with it respecting things of the highest importance to us and the Holy See, and to the entire Christian commonwealth. Although he is enjoined to treat of these with your nation collectively and in public, yet because we have a special knowledge of your distinguished merits, and deeply love and prize your loyalty, and also feel particular confidence in you, we have commissioned this bishop, our nuncio, to hand over our letter to you in private and manifest our heartiest good-will toward you. We exhort your devotion in the Lord, to have all confidence in him, and with the same disposition in which we are inclined to remember your honour and profit, to bestir yourself also in our affairs, and in those of the Apostolic See. For which you will earn no small thanks from us.
“Given at Rome at St. Peter’s under the ring of the Fisherman, January 23, 1523, the first year of our pontificate.”
X.—Zwingli begins to reform the Church. Rise of the Catabaptists. Disputation of Baden, 1526. Plots contrived against Zwingli. False accusations brought against him.
I wanted you to know this letter from the Pope so that you could see plainly that if Zwingli had preferred the grace of man to the grace of God he might have had all he wanted inthislife. For the Pope did not only write to him as above but also to the excellent Doctor Francis Zinck, that he should gain the man for himself and the Apostolic See. When I asked Francis what the Pope had promised for Zwingli’s support he replied seriously, Everything except the papal chair.” After this because the gospel strongly showing its strength was esteemed as the truth from heaven
by the greater part, and especially had been received by the Senate of Zurich, and the Council of Two Hundred, the man began to plan how he could put things into a better state, and that everything might be done in order, whatever changes seemed especially to pertain to the furtherance of the gospel were made at the earliest opportunity. The number of the priests and monks had for some time seemed greater than was required for the usages of religion. Therefore the Senate decreed on the persuasion of Zwingli’s celestial spirit that it should be reduced to the number necessary for the ecclesiastical offices. Not that any one was to be ejected or deprived of his benefice, but was to hold it during life, but when death had made a vacancy it was to remain unfilled. The three orders of monks were collected into one place, their cowls being taken from them. They were at liberty to go out as they pleased to work, to marry, to study. And those who did not take kindly to the sound doctrines were permitted to migrate whithersoever they desired, so careful were they not to offend any one’s conscientious scruples. The revenues of the Church were employed upon either the ministers of the Church or the teachers of good learning or the religious and monks who were left or on the poor. There were found among them promising youths, not a few to whom the study of piety was attractive; these being retained were supported for the benefit of the whole seigniory of Zurich, and when the necessity arose were employed. A man most devoted to good letters and sacred learning, Zwingli instituted among them a school, which if he had lived there is no doubt would have been second to none. Moreover he made the Senate depute some to judge cases of conjugal difficulties, and persuaded them that the worship of images must be abolished, the Mass utterly done away with, and the Lord’s Supper restored. Meantime, good God, what a pestilence had crept in!—the heresy of the Catabaptists, prohibiting the baptism of infants, and rebaptising themselves, then rushing with wild spirit into all the heresies that ever were. At first when he became aware of the
thing, because the leaders were both friends and scholars, both citizens and parishioners, he tried in a familiar way to dissuade them, but when, promising in his presence, they began on leaving to deny, to lie, to gather disciples, to disrupt the Church, to set up a new one, he was forced to go against Satan with all his strength, and make open war upon him. Believe me, Agathius, I was present at nine friendly conferences and earnest disputations. If it were my task to treat of the matter at considerable length I should certainly have something to say. They foamed at the mouth with palpable blasphemies and abuse, and in a word whatever revelation of evils John makes they piled upon Zwingli. This plague, the more the efforts to repress it, the more fiery it became. Therefore the Senate was at length compelled to assail it with imprisonment, exile, and death, not as Catabaptists but as perjurers, disobedient and seditious persons, unless it (the Senate) wished to give the impression of advocating the false rather than the true, sedition rather than peace, the bad rather than the good. Yet it was not possible in this way to avoid the necessity of forewarning the good by published books so that they might not be led away by deceits. Doctor Balthasar Hübmaier was the head of the Catabaptists, not long before a friend and companion in the gospel, but a little while after a most violent foe. He first broke out in writings and then after he had escaped from Waldshut, a town on the Rhine, and had secretly entered into Zurich, being apprehended, he resisted by word of mouth in the court-house in the presence of the deputies only. Then he requested the Senate that he be permitted to confer with Leo Jud, Sebastian Hofmeister, and me. His wishes were complied with a second time. We laboured with this man so that he promised to recant the next day. Therefore in this mind coming the day after into the church from he court-house, he ascended the pulpit after Zwingli was come down and confirmed all he had taught before, moved thereto he pretended because he (Zwingli) had [n the Revelation. Myconius uses his Latin name, CEconomus.
put so much stress upon constancy, the miserable man judging that his pertinacity was constancy! Returned to prison he was altogether hidden until by the kindness of Zwingli he was secretly sent away, not without a guide and travelling money, and came to Constance, where he so loaded the man [Zwingli] with abuse that he was forced to apologise to the brethren. But enough of the Catabaptists.
You desire to know about the disputation at Baden as your letter shows, and especially why the Senate of Zurich refused to permit Zwingli to go to Baden. These matters have all been committed to writing and published, and I would rather that you should investigate them there. That you may not, however, say that you have never heard about them, behold here is the letter of the Zurichers to Doctor John Eck in which they invite the man to them. Here also is the letter of safe conduct for the same and solemn promise of all good men bidding him to come and examine and expound from both Testaments on an even footing with Zwingli (whose errors and heresies he had taken upon himself of his own accord 1n two letters to the delegates of the Confederacy to refute publicly anywhere), the truth of God, to the common profit of the whole Church. By reading these you will understand that Eck cared nothing for what they wrote; so you will easily perceive why the Zurichers kept Zwingli at home. And yet the same matter has been most truthfully defended also by him in several works against Faber. I wish much that I had a copy of the disputation to send you. You would see how beautifully he expresses himself in his famous style. But Zwingli laboured more in running about, cogitating, watching, counselling, warning, writing both letters and books which he sent to Baden than he would have done had he taken part in the disputations even in the midst of his foes, particularly against a chief so unskilled in the truth. I have for my part desired nothing more earnestly in my life than that he had been permitted to take part personally. The Five Cantons would have seen where truth and where falsehood ruled. But the place was
not favourable to Zwingli. When this was found out, and afterwards at Bern, Murner, Eck, four bishops, and certain principal monks had first been courteously and honestly invited by the Senate, did he not go thither willingly and rejoicing for the truth? Nevertheless, he was conducted by two hundred armed men through the commonwealths of the Confederacy. He made also the long journey to Marburg, to the colloquy with Luther and Melanchthon upon the Lord’s Supper. He feared nothing there, for the place was suitable. What tremendous difficulties he laboured under in all this I believe you must know already. Certain scholars had called him a dogmatist in teaching, principally because of his doctrine of the Eucharist. I do not doubt if ever they could have read sympathetically and weighed faithfully what he wrote to the German princes assembled at Augsburg many would have judged him differently. I refer you also to that document that I may not waste time in writing to no purpose. What can you do with a man who refuses to learn from it the truth about the Lord’s Supper? So much for his labours in behalf of the truth. I will now tell briefly to what perils he was exposed for its sake. When priests and monks had been degraded from their positions (so to speak) and a mandate had been issued against the pensioners as we call them, the enemy turned to plots to try if by any means they might destroy the man. I will be silent about the secret plots that may be known to me, and will tell you about those known to people in general. Some one came to his house after midnight and prayed him to come to a man at the point of death. “The deacon replying for the master of the house that he would do whatever was necessary himself (for Zwingli was not to be disturbed during the night because of his daily duties), the visitor objected so strongly that the suspicions of the deacon were aroused that he had some plot on foot. The deacon therefore, going as if Baden in Switzerland, 14 miies North of Zurich.
[n English translation by Jacobs in his Book of Concord, ii,. 159-179, and reprinted in Jackson’s Life of Zwingli, pp. 452-484.
he would tell his master all about it, frustrated the marauder by closing the door and leaving him outside. In the morning the facts were discovered, that he was to have been gagged and carried away secretly in a boat. Shortly after a horse was got ready to be used for the same purpose.
Again we saw a waylayer (it was said he was from Zug) in the city girded with the longest kind of sword openly wandering about without a cloak watching for a favourable opportunity to run across the man and kill him. The man was reported and taken into custody, and disappeared.
Two Zurichers under the influence of liquor—I will not mention their names though I know them—threw stones one night against Zwinglis house and breaking his windows behaved so cruelly, basely, and inhumanly with their shouts and curses and blows that none of the neighbours dared to protest even through the windows. So they kept on till they had used up their stones, their words, and their strength. The tumult was reported to the mayor in the morning, the gates were shut and armed men searched for the offenders in. vain in every nook and cranny of the city until certain prostitutes who knew about their hiding places, not being adepts in concealing, unintentionally betrayed one of them; the other had already escaped. The fellow was dragged from the wine cask of a certain priest and taken to prison by the enraged crowd. After many trials he was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, and for some weeks he lay in captivity until he was released by request of Bern.
Zwingli sometimes dined away from home with friends or entertainers. Therefore returning he was almost always escorted, without being aware of it, by good citizens, lest evil should befall him on the way. And the Senate in this perilous time placed watchers around his house at night. See, I beseech you, what unjust accusations were brought against the man that he should have to be protected in this way! They called him “a pensionary ” because not knowing it was wrong he received at one time an annual pension from the Roman pontiff. He himself indeed excused this offence to
False Accusations I9 his Germans thus: ”The dealings which I once had with the Pope ceased years ago. I thought then it was allowable to receive a pension from the pontiff to defend his way. But having realised the sin of it, I gave up the whole business. Therefore the deputies (factores), as they are called, accuse me of wrong in the matter, and being angry at my giving up the pension, impute to me what I have done as a sin because they persuade men that by receiving the pontifical pension they serve God.” And to Berthold Haller and Caspar Megander, he thus writes of the gifts of princes: “I esteem the glory of Christ and if you prefer mine own also more than all the wealth of all the princes, not to mention the moderate munificence of one king. In times past I have learned what gifts meant, so that in old age desire after them is not possible. ”
For the rest they not only called him thief and heretic and adulterer, so blackening his name and doctrine, but they cried out against him publicly with asinine clamour. But when these miserable and insane men saw that nothing was accomplished by all these assaults, either against the word of the gospel, or against the servant of God, they turned themselves with their whole strength against those obedient to the Word, if perhaps tired out they might feel disgust with the one who caused them to feel another’s scorn. They calumniated him, made him of no account, publicly and privately jeered at him to such a degree that the Zurichers began to consider how they might avert this evil. It would require a volume if any one would know this affair fully or write exhaustively about it.
To sum up it came about there were formed new alliances for the defence of the doctrine of Christ, the old ones being left unmolested not without great exertions and planning by Zwingli, not surely that anything was attempted against his country (this was impossible in such a fosterer of his country), but because in accordance with the course once begun he had resolved to eradicate vices and establish the evangelical doctrines thus to the praise of God and the advantage of all
Switzerland, nor because he aimed at protecting the things of God in this way, but because he desired nothing more than that all nations might confess the Lord, and that the extent of the alliance might terrify the minds of the ungodly, and so more easily win them to Christ.
XI.—Two civil wars, called the Cappel Wars, in which Zwingli participated; in the first (1529) he was in the midst of the deliberations, in the second (1531) he was chosen chaplain.
And so it came even to war, but what kind of war as far as our hero and the men of Zurich are concerned? The kind that Zwingli himself described in the following words to his friends [at Bern, in Works, Schuler and Schulthess ed., vol. viii., 290, dated 1529]: “What I have written to you before I repeat again and again that you may be steady and not afraid of the war. For that peace which some urged so strongly is war not peace, and the war upon which we are entering 1s peace not war, for we thirst for no man’s blood, neither do we propose to shed 1t even if a disturbance takes place, but we want to cut the sinews of the oligarchy. If this is not done, neither gospel truth nor the gospel ministry will be secure among us. We are meditating nothing cruel; on the contrary all we do is friendly and fatherly. “We desire to save some who are perishing through ignorance. We are engaged in the preservation of liberty. Therefore do not turn away in abhorrence from our counsels. They are milder and fairer than they have been represented to you. To all who report us falsely you yield ready credence, whereas you have always thus far had experience of our reliability but of their inconstancy, not to say mendacity. Stand fast therefore in this, that in fidelity to God and man you come up to our promise. Why should I say more? Fear nothing, for we shall so conduct ourselves through the goodness of God and the alliance of all that you will be neither ashamed nor
apologetic for us.” Thus far he. I have transcribed his words the more willingly because they testify to you, Agathius, in the most convincing manner how entirely unjust it is to represent Zwingli as sanguinary. He was indeed a brave man in danger, intrepid and wise, but it was as far from him to thirst for the blood of even the most inveterate enemy as it should be from every wise man and every minister of Christ. The liberty of the country, the virtues of the fathers, and most of all the glory of God and of Christ were both foundation and aim of all his plans, whatever all the enemies of Zwingli in all nations say, whatever they shout, whatever they maintain. Behold, I speak the truth before you and God.
He therefore took part in the two civil wars, each of which is named the Cappel War from the monastery called the Chapel. To the first he went of his own motion, so that he might be present at the deliberations lest anything might occur contrary to what was true and right. Most happily things fell out and it was concluded without bloodshed. About it he often related to me that in it he had encountered more malice and perverse counsel than in his whole life he had learned from experience or from books. In the second war he was elected chaplain, and although he told himself as well as others that he would not go, nevertheless he went. His divining mind saw what the future had in store. The cause of war never met his approval, z.e., the cutting off of provisions [from the Forest Cantons], for he knew what kind of counsel famine gives. Albeit, to speak frankly, after this plan [to cut off provisions] had been once accepted by the reluctant Zurichers (for others whom we know well had taken it up in no bad spirit since they thought by consultation and discussion a way would be found meanwhile for pacificatory measures even though the Zurichers had preferred a war), Zwingli was not pleased, since he feared that a change would only bring them into greater contempt with their adversaries, although he did not so very strenuously oppose it.
XII.—Zwingli perishes in the Second Cappel War. He left Zurich for the front early om Oct. 11, 1531; and was killed that afternoon.
Also within fourteen days before his departure he said from the pulpit in my hearing, amid the general excitement, “I know, I know what all this means. It means my death, everything is done to put me out of the way.” So also the comet which was seen for many weeks he whispered into friendly ears would be fatal to him and also to one other person. We always had understood it meant (Ecolampadius. In no really military style, then, the Zurichers sallied forth (whenever I think of the undisciplined affair I am pierced through as by swords), for there was no order, no plans, no direction, so much difference of opinion, so many persons running with scared faces here and there, before and behind the banner, for I cannot say ”soldiers” except of a few of them. A very small number in all indeed (five thousand were summoned, not four thousand five hundred were present) against so well prepared a multitude. So the Zurichers set out, Zwingli following in the rear on horseback and armed according to our custom. When I saw him, I could scarcely stand for sudden pain of heart presaging the worst. We passed the day [in Zurich] in continual sighs and prayers to God. But Hehad appointed a different thing, for us, not against us, as I certainly interpret it in all piety. For be it said in passing, we have learned to advance more cautiously. We hold the gospel in higher estimation, we reverence God more devoutly, and they are more manifest who all this time have been adversaries to the gospel of Christ.
As, then, I saw them going out in the morning, so at night I heard the news,—the fight had been sharp yet unsuccessful, and our Zwingli had perished. It was reported that three times he had in the shock of arms been prostrated, but each time he had struggled to his feet; a fourth time he was struck under the chin by a spear, and, fallen upon his knees, said,
“What evil is there in this? They are able, it is true, to kill the body but not the soul.” And having so spoken he fell asleep presently in the Lord. After the defeat, during the leisure given to the enemy (for our soldiers had retired into a well guarded place) the body of Zwingli was sought for (and who told them so quickly that he had been present in the battle or had fallen?), was found, tried and condemned, cut into four parts, thrown into the fire, reduced to ashes. The enemy having retired after the third day, friends of Zwingli went to see if they could perchance find any remains of him, and lo! (strange to say) his heart presented itself from the midst of the ashes whole and uninjured. The good men were astounded, recognising the miracle indeed, but not understanding it. Wherefore, attributing everything to God, they rejoiced because this supernatural fact had made more sure the sincerity of his heart. A man whom I knew very well, in fact very intimately, came to me shortly afterwards asking whether I desired to see a portion of Zwingli’s heart which he carried with him in a casket. Because a sort of horror on account of this sudden remark pervaded my whole body I declined. Otherwise, I could have been an eyewitness of this thing also.
This, then, is the course of Zwingli’s life, this the way of his death which the loyalty of his soul to his country and the devotion of his heart to the Republic of Christ brought upon him, horrible, indeed, in the eyes of men, precious in the sight of God, such a death as awaits all teachers of the divine righteousness unless the Lord in His singular grace prevent and save them. I think I have fulfilled your request, Agathius. What I promised I have given, truth and brevity; bound to no elegance of diction, I have indulged in none. I hope there may appear in the future some one who for the use of the studious pious shall put the finishing hand upon all these things, making his narrative as attractive as possible while in accordance with truth, and giving it the elegance which is worthy so excellent a man.
Farewell to you and interpret this your request] without prejudice. At Zurich in the year MDXXXII.
The Works of Huldreich Zwingli
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