XXXIV. Of Unwritten Verities’
^ 1N the day of Pentecost, when the Holy Ghost descended upon the apostles and pt. ii. disciples of Christ, they received such grace and ghostly knowledge, that they had forthwith the gift of the understanding of scripture, to speak in the tongues of all men and g 0 e g 3 p 3 Sp g > also that, upon whomsoever they laid their hands, the Holy Ghost should descend upon them. And thereupon they by their preaching and good doctrine converted in short time great multitudes of people unto the faith of Christ. And after that, divers blessed men, in strength of the faith, wrote the life, miracles, doctrine, passion, death, and resurrection of our master Christ: but four of those writings were only received by all the whole church of Christ, that is to say, of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. And they received them to be of such authority, that it should not be lawful to any man, that would confess Christ, to deny them. And they were called “The four gospels of Christ.” And the Epistles of Paul, the Acts of the Apostles, the Epistles that be called canonic, and the Apocalypse, were received to be of like authority as the gospels were. And thus by assent as well of the people as of the clergy, was the new Testament affirmed to be of such authority as it is now taken to be of, and as it is of indeed. So that it is not lawful to deny any thing that it affirmeth, ne to affirm any thing that it denieth. And it is no marvel though it be taken to be of such strength. For it was authorised, when the people that were newly converted to the faith were full of grace and of devotion, replenished with virtues, desiring alway the life to come, and the health of their own souls and of their neighbours.
Then also were blessed bishops, blessed priests, and other blessed persons of the clergy. And what could such men ask of God right wisely, that should be denied them? And who may think but that they and all the people, at the said authorising of the scripture, prayed devoutly for the assistance of the Holy Ghost, that they might have grace to authorise such as should be to his honour, to the increase of his faith, and to the health of the souls of all his people?
The time also that this authorising of the new Testament, and the gathering it together was made, was, as I suppose, the time of the most high and gracious shedding out of the mercy of God into the world, that ever was from the beginning of the world unto this day: and I mean the time that was from the incarnation of Christ unto the said authorising of the new Testament was accomplished. For in part of that time our Lord was here himself in bodily presence, preaching and teaching his laws, gathering and choosing his apostles and disciples, that should teach and preach his laws, when he was gone: which they did not only by word, but also by good examples, that yet remain unto this day. So that all that time may in manner be called the golden time.” And not only the new Testament was then received, but also the old Testament, And by preaching and teaching of these Testaments was the faith of Christ marvellously increased in many countries. After all this, by a common speaking among the people, the bishops, priests, and
[Vid. supra, p. 5.] Ι]
other of the clergy, which were as lanterns unto the people, and the special maintainers of the christian faith, were called The church,” or men of the church: and under the colour of that name church,” many of the clergy in process of time pretended that they might make expositions of scripture, as the universal church of Christ, that is to say, as the whole congregation of christian people might. And thereupon, when covetyse and pride somewhat increased in many of the clergy, they expounded very favourably divers texts of scripture, that sounded to the maintenance of their honour, power, jurisdiction, and riches; and over that take upon them to affirm that they were the church” that might not err; and that Christ and his apostles had spoken and taught many things that were not expressly in scripture, and that the people were as well bound to love them, and that under like pain, as if they had been expressed in scripture, and called them “Unwritten Verities.” Whereof I shall, as for an example, recite part.
First, That Christ after his Maundy, and after he had washen the feet of his apostles, taught them to make holy cream, for ministration of the sacraments; and that they have as full authority to do the same, as if it had been contained in scripture, that Christ had given them power to do it.
That it is a tradition of the apostles, that images ought to be set up. That the apostles ordained that all faithful people should resort to the church of Rome, as to the most high and principal church of all other: and yet it cannot be proved by scripture, ne by any other sufficient authority, that they made any such ordinance.
Also, that the Creed, which is commonly and universally used to be said by the common people, was made by the twelve apostles: and though the articles thereof are firmly and stedfastly to be believed of every christian man, as articles sufficiently proved by scripture; yet that they were gathered together by the twelve apostles, and specially that every one of the apostles made one article, as painters shew that they did, cannot be proved by scripture, ne is it not necessary to be believed for our salvation. And though it were but a small offence in the people to believe that it were an article necessary to be believed for our salvation, because the clergy, which be the lanterns and leaders unto the people, do instruct them that it is so; and it is neither against the law of God nor the law of reason but that it may be so; yet it is a great offence to the clergy to affirm for certain the thing that is to themselves uncertain; and therefore it would be reformed for eschewing of offences unto the clergy.
“Also, that the people shall pray into the east is not proved by scripture. And yet they say, that by the tradition of the apostles it is to be believed.
Also, that our lady was not born in original sin.
That she was assumpt into heaven, body and soul.
All these, and many others, divers of the clergy call Unwritten Verities,” left in the world by the tradition and relation of the apostles, which (as they say) the people are bound to believe as well as scripture: for they say, that sith no man were bound to believe scripture, but because the church saith, This is scripture; so they say, that in the things before rehearsed, the church witnesseth them to be true; and that the people have assented to them many years; wherefore it is not lawful to doubt at them, ne to deny them. To this reason it may be answered, that if it can be proved by as good and as high authority, that these things were left in the world by the tradition and relation of the apostles, as the authorising of scripture was, that then they are to be believed as verily as scripture: but if they be witnessed to be so by some bishops and priests, and some other of the clergy only, or that they be witnessed to be so by decrees and laws made by bishops of Rome, and by the clergy of Rome, or by opinion of doctors only; then no man is bound to accept them, ne believe them, as they are bound to believe scripture. For scripture, as it is said before, was authorised by the whole church of God, and in the most elect and most gracious time that of likelihood hath been sith the beginning of Christ’s church. And if it be said that many of the said opinions have been affirmed and approved by general councils, in whom no error may be presumed; it may be answered, that though the church gathered together in the Holy Ghost may not err in things pertaining to the faith, that yet, forasmuch as some general councils have been gathered, and not by the power of kings and princes that be heads of the church, and that laws have been also made at such general councils, of divers things which have not 33—2
pertained to the faith, but to the maintenance of the authority or profit of the clergy, or of such articles as are before rehearsed, that they call “Unwritten Verities,” which undoubtedly pertain not merely to the faith; that it may therefore be lawfully doubted whether such councils were gathered in the Holy Ghost or not; and whether they erred in their judgments or not. And it is no doubt but that in some general councils they have done so indeed.
And I suppose that there be but few matters more necessary ne more expedient for kings and princes to look upon, than upon these unwritten verities, and of making of laws by the clergy. For if they be suffered to maintain that there be any verities which the people are bound to believe, upon pain of damnation, beside scripture, it will persuade partly an insufficiency in scripture; and thereupon might follow great dangers many ways. And if it were admitted that the clergy might be received to affirm that there be such verities beside scripture, yet they could not prove them. For if they would in proof thereof say, that the apostles first taught those verities, and that they have so continued from one to another unto this day, and shew none other authority thereof but that; then all the saying may as lightly be denied as it was affirmed, and with as high authority. And if they will further attempt to approve it by laws made by the bishops of Rome, and by the clergy at Rome, yea, or by laws and decrees made at general councils; yet these laws and decrees may be lawfully doubted at, as before appeareth. So that they cannot by reason thereof drive any necessity of belief into any person.! Wherefore kings and princes, that have received of God the high power and charge over the people, are bound to prohibit such sayings upon great pains; and not to suffer a belief to be grounded upon things uncertain.
But yet if some of the said articles, that be called Unwritten Verities,” were suffered to continue as things that be more like to be true than otherwise, and no necessity of belief to be derived thereupon; I suppose verily it might well be suffered that they should stand still, not prohibit: as it is of that article, that the twelve apostles made the creed; that it is good to pray into the east; that our lady was not born in original sin; that she was assumpted body and soul. And therefore if it were ordained by kings and princes that no man, upon pain to be taken as a breaker of the quietness of the people, should deny any of the said articles, it were well done to keep unity among the people. But divers realms may order such things diversely, as they shall seem convenient, after the disposition of the people there. For they be but things indifferent to be believed, or not believed, and are nothing like to scripture, to the Articles of the Faith, the Ten Commandments, ne to such other moral learnings, as are merely derived out of scripture: for they must of necessity be believed and obeyed of every christian man. For, after St Paul, ad Ephes. iv., there must be one God, one faith, and one baptism.” But to suffer them to stand as Unwritten Verities” that may not be denied, and to have their authority only by laws made by the clergy, it seemeth dangerous. For it might cause many of the clergy to esteem more power in the clergy than there is indeed. And that might lift many of them into a higher estimation of themselves than they ought to have: whereby might follow great danger unto the people. For as long as there be disorders in the clergy, it will be hard to bring the people to good order.
And all this that I have touched before may be reformed, without any rebuke to the clergy that now is. For the pretence of such Unwritten Verities,” ne yet of making of laws, to bind kings and princes and their people, ne yet that both powers, that is to say, spiritual and temporal, were in the clergy, began not in the clergy that now is, but in their predecessors.
And as to the said other pretensed Unwritten Verities; that is to say, that all men should resort to Rome, as to the most high and principal church; and that it is a tradition and unwritten verity that images ought to be set up; it were well done that they and such other opinions, whereby pride, covetyse, or vain glory might spring hereafter, were prohibit by authority of the parliament upon great pains. And as to the said Unwritten Verity, that holy cream should be made after the Maundy; it pertaineth only to them that have authority to judge whether it be an Unwritten Verity or not, and to judge also, what is the very authority for making that cream. And therefore I will no further speak of that matter at this time.:
XXXV. 1. Preface to the Book of Common Prayer, 1549. 2. Of Ceremonies.
3. Preface to the Ordination Services, 1550. 1. Preface to the Book of Common Prayer’
There was never any thing by the wit of man so well devised, or so surely established, which (in continuance of time) hath not been corrupted; as (among other things) it may plainly appear by the common prayers in the church, commonly called Divine Service; the first original and ground whereof if a man would search out by the ancient fathers, he shall find that the same was not ordained, but of a good purpose, and for a great advancement of godliness. For they so ordered the matter, that all the whole bible (or the greatest part thereof) should be read over once in the year; intending thereby, that the clergy, and specially such as were ministers of the congregation, should (by often reading and meditation of God’s word) be stirred up to godliness themselves, and be more able also to exhort other by wholesome doctrine, and to confute them that were adversaries to the truth: and further, that the people, by daily hearing of holy scripture read in the church, should continually profit more and more in the knowledge of God, and be the more inflamed with the love of his true religion. But these many years passed, this godly and decent order of the ancient fathers hath been so altered, broken, and neglected, by planting in uncertain stories, legends, responds, verses, vain repetitions, commemorations, and synodals, that commonly, when any book of the bible was begun, before three or four chapters were read out, all the rest were unread. And in this sort, the book of Esaie was begun in Advent, and the book of Genesis in Septuagesima; but they were only begun, and never read through. After a like sort were other books of holy scripture used. And moreover, whereas St Paul would have such language spoken to the people in the church, as they might understand and have profit by hearing the same; the service in this church of England (these many years) hath been read in Latin io the people, which they understood not; so that they have heard with their ears only, and their hearts, spirit, and mind, have not been edified thereby. And furthermore, notwithstanding that the ancient fathers had divided the psalms into seven portions, whereof every one was called a nocturn; now of late time a few of them have been daily said (and oft repeated) and the rest utterly omitted. Moreover, the number and hardness of the rules called the pie, and the manifold changings of the service, was the cause, that to turn the book only was so hard and intricate a matter, that many times there was more business to find out what should be read, than to read 1t when it was found out. These inconveniences therefore considered, here is set forth such an order, whereby the same shall be redressed. And for a readiness in this matter, here is drawn out a calendar for that purpose, which is plain and easy to be understanded; wherein (so much as may be) the reading of holy scripture is so set forth, that all things shall be done in order, without breaking one piece thereof from another. For this cause be cut off anthems, responds, invitatories, and such like things as did break the continual course of the reading of the scripture. Yet because there is no remedy, but that of necessity there must be some rules, therefore certain rules are here set forth; which, as they be few in number, so they be plain and easy to be understanded. So that here you have an order for prayer (as touching the reading of holy scripture) much agreeable to the mind and purpose of the old fathers, and a great deal more profitable and commodious than that which of late was used. It is more profitable, because here are left out many things, whereof some be untrue, some uncertain, some vain and superstitious; and is ordained nothing to be read but the very pure word of God, the holy scriptures, or that which is evidently grounded upon the same; and that in such a language and order as is most easy and plain for the understanding both of the readers and hearers. It is also more commodious, both for the shortness thereof and for the plainness of the order, and for that the rules be few and easy. Furthermore, by this order the curates shall need none other books for their public
[[! This Preface, as well as that to the form and by Bale. Itis doubtful, however, whether he wrote]
[&c. (vid, p. 519, infra) are attributed to Cranmer tion.] we]
[manner of making and consecrating archbishops, them, though they had his approbation and sanc-]
service, but this book and the bible: by the means whereof the people shall not be at so great charge for books as in time past they have been. 3
And where heretofore there hath been great diversity in saying and singing in churches within this realm; some following Salisbury use, some Hereford use, some the use of Bangor, some of York, and some of Lincoln; now from henceforth all the whole realm shall have but one use. And if any would judge this way more painful, because that all things must be read upon the book, whereas before, by the reason of so often repetition, they could say many things by heart; if those men will weigh their labour with the profit in knowledge which daily they shall obtain by reading upon the book, they will not refuse the pain in consideration of the great profit that shall ensue thereof.
And forsomuch as nothing can, almost, be so plainly set forth, but doubts may rise in the use and practising of the same: to appease all such diversity, (if any arise,) and for the resolution of all doubts concerning the manner how to understand, do, and execute the things contained in this book, the parties that so doubt, or diversely take anything, shall alway resort to the bishop of the diocese, who by his discretion shall take order for the quieting and appeasing of the same; so that the same order be not contrary to anything contained in this book.
4. Though it be appointed in the afore written Preface, that all things shall be read and sung in the church in the English tongue, to the end that the congregation may be thereby edified: yet it is not meant but when men say matins and evensong privately, they may say the same in any language that they themselves do understand: neither that any man shall be bound to the saying of them, but such as from time to time, in cathedral and collegiate churches, parish churches, and chapels to the same annexed, shall serve the congregation.
2. Of Ceremonies. Why some be abolished and some retained
of Of such ceremonies as be used in the church, and have had their beginning by the di institution of man, some at the first were of godly intent and purpose devised, and yet — al length turned to vanity and superstition: some entered into the church by undiscreet devotion, and such a zeal as was without knowledge; and for because they were winked at in the beginning, they grew daily to more and more abuses, which not only for their unprofitableness, but also because they have much blinded the people and obscured the glory of God, are worthy to be cut away and clean rejected. Other there be, which although they have been devised by man, yet it is thought good to reserve them still, as well for a decent order in the church, (for the which they were first devised,) as because they pertain to edification, whereunto all things done in the church (as the apostle teacheth) ought to be referred. And although the keeping or omitting of a ceremony (in itself considered) is but a small thing; yet the wilful and contemptuous transgression and breaking of a common order and discipline is no small offence before God. — Let all things be done among you” (saith St Paul) “in a seemly and due order.” The appointment of the which order pertaineth not to private men: therefore no man ought to take in hand nor presume to appoint or alter any public or common order in Christ’s church, except he be lawfully called and authorised thereunto. And whereas in this our time the minds of men be so diverse, that some think it a great matter of conscience to depart from a piece of the least of their ceremonies (they be so addicted to their old customs), and again on the other side, some be so new fangle that they would innovate all thing, and so do despise the old, that nothing can like them but that is new: it was thought expedient not so much to have respect how to please and satisfy either of these parties, as how to please God, and profit them both. And yet, lest any man should be offended (whom good reason might satisfy), here be certain causes rendered why some of the accustomed ceremonies be put away, and some bo retained and kept still. Some are put away, because the great excess and multitude of them hath so increased in these latter days, that the burden of them was intolerable: whereof Saint Augustine in his time complained, that they were grown to such a number, that the state of christian people was in worse case (concerning that matter) than were the Jews. And he
counselled that such yoke and burden should be taken away, as time would serve quietly to do it, But what would St Augustine have said, if he had seen the ceremonies of late days used among us, whereunto the multitude used in his time was not to be compared? This our excessive multitude of ceremonies was so great, and many of them so dark, that they did more confound and darken, than declare and set forth Christ’s benefits unto us. And besides this, Christ’s gospel is not a ceremonial law (as much of Moses law was); but it is a religion to serve God, not in bondage of the figure or shadow, but in the freedom of spirit, being content only with those ceremonies which do serve to a decent order and godly discipline, and such as be apt to stir up the dull mind of man to the remembrance of his duty to God by some notable and special signification, whereby he might be edified.
4. Furthermore, the most weighty cause of the abolishment of certain ceremonies was, that they were so far abused, partly by the superstitious blindness of the rude and unlearned, and partly by the insatiable avarice of such as sought more their own lucre than the glory of God; that the abuses could not well be taken away, the thing remaining still. But now as concerning those persons, which peradventure will be offended for that some of the old ceremonies are retained still: if they consider, that without some ceremonies it is not possible to keep any order or quiet discipline in the church, they shall easily perceive just cause to reform their judgments. And if they think much that any of the old do remain, and would rather have all devised anew: then such men (granting some ceremonies convenient to be had,) surely where the old may be well used, there they cannot reasonably reprove the old (only for their age) without bewraying of their own folly. For in such a case they ought rather to have reverence unto them for their antiquity, if they will declare themselves to be more studious of unity and concord, than of innovations and new fangleness; which (as much as may be with the true setting forth of Christ’s religion) is always to be eschewed. Furthermore, such shall have no just cause with the ceremonies reserved to be offended: for as those be taken away which were most abused, and did burden men’s consciences without any cause; so the other that remain are retained for a discipline and order, which (upon just causes) may be altered and changed, and therefore are not to be esteemed equal with God’s law. And moreover they be neither dark nor dumb ceremonies, but are so set forth that every man may understand what they do mean, and to what use they do serve. So that it is not like that they, in time to come, should be abused as the other have been. And in these all our doings we condemn no other nations, nor prescribe any thing but to our own people only. For we think it convenient that every country should use such ceremonies as they shall think best to the setting forth of God’s honour and glory, and to the reducing of the people to a most perfect and godly living, without error or superstition; and that they should put away other things, which from time to time they perceive to be most abused, as in men’s ordinances it often chanceth diversely in diverse countries. 3. Preface [to “The Form and Manner of making and consecrating of Archbishops, Bishops, Priests, and Deacons.” Printed by Grafton, March 1549-50.] It is evident unto all men diligently reading holy scripture and ancient authors, that from the apostles’ time there hath been these orders of ministers in Christ’s church; bishops, priests, and deacons: which offices were evermore had in such reverent estimation, that no man, by his own private authority, might presume to execute any of them, except he were first called, tried, examined, and known to have such qualities as were requisite for the same; and also by public prayer, with imposition of hands, approved and admitted thereunto. And therefore, to the intent these orders should be continued, and reverently used and esteemed, in this church of England, it is requisite that no man (not being at this present bishop, priest, nor deacon) shall execute any of them, except he be called, tried, examined, and admitted, according to the form hereafter following. And none shall be admitted a deacon, except he be twenty-one years of age at. the least. And every man which is to be admitted a priest, shall be full twenty-four years old. And every man which is to be consecrated a bishop, shall be fully thirty years of age.
And the bishop knowing, either by himself or by sufficient testimony, any person to be a man of virtuous conversation, and without crime, and after examination and trial, finding him learned in the Latin tongue, and sufficiently instructed in holy scripture, may upon a Sunday or holy day, in the face of the church, admit him a deacon, in such manner and form as hereafter followeth.
XXXVI. Three Letters from the Lords of the Council at Windsor to the Lords of
the Council in London. 1
My lords, we commend us most heartily unto you: and where the king’s majesty Ed. informed that you were assembled in such sort as ye do now remain there, was Ed. was informe y y y dvised by us, and such other of his council as were here about his person, to send master secretary Peter unto you with such a message, as whereby might have ensued the surety of his majesty’s person, with preservation of his realm and subjects, and the quiet both of us and yourselves, as master secretary can declare unto you: his majesty and we of his council here do not a little marvel that you stay still with you the said master secretary; and have not (as it were) vouchsafed to send an answer to his majesty, neither by him, nor yet by any other. And for ourselves we do much more marvel, and are right sorry, as we and you have good cause to be, to see the manner of your doings, bent with force and violence to bring the king’s majesty and us to those extremities, which as we do intend, if you will take none other way but violence, to defend us, as nature and our allegiance doth bind us, to extremity of death, and put it unto God’s hands, who giveth victory as pleaseth him; so if our reasonable conditions and offers will take no place, as hitherto none hath been signified unto us from you, nor we do not understand what ye do require or seek, nor what ye do mean; and that ye speak no hurt of the king’s majesty’s person: as touching all other private matters, to avoid the effusion of christian blood, and to preserve the king’s majesty’s person, his realm, and subjects, ye shall find us agreeable to any reasonable conditions that you will require; for we do esteem the king’s wealth and tranquillity of the realm more than all other worldly things, yea, more than our own lives. Thus praying you to send us determinate answer herein by master secretary Peter, or, if ye will not let him go, by this bearer, we beseech God to give both you and us grace to determine this matter as may be to God’s honour, the preservation of the king, and the quiet of us all; which may be, if the fault be not in you. And so we bid you heartily farewell. From the king’s majesty’s castle of Windsor, the 7th day of October, 1549.
2
After our hearty commendations unto your good lordships: we have received from ἐφ the same a letter by master Hunnings, dated at London yesterday; whereby you do us Life of to understand the causes of your assembly there; and, charging the lord protector with the manner of government, require that he withdraw himself from the king’s majesty, disperse the force which he hath levied, and be contented to be ordered according to justice and reason; and so you will gladly commune with us, as touching the surety of the king’s majesty’s person, and the order of all other things, with such conformity on that behalf as appertaineth; and otherwise you must (as you write) make other account of us than you trustto have cause, and burden (of) us, if things come to extremities.
[[ Vid. Burnet’s Hist. of the Reformation, Vol. Turner (Hist. Edw. VI. p. 176) and Mr Todd,]
[11 Part 11. App. Book i. No. 41, p. 261. &c. Ed. who affirm that it breathes all his spirit in its]
[Oxon. 1829. Stow’s Annals, pp. 597, 8. Ed. Lond. genuine nature. Strype also seems to have been]
[1516. Ellis’ Original Letters, 1st ser. Letter c.x xr. of the same opinion.” Jenkyns, Remains of Abp.]
[Vol. 11. p. 171, ἄς. “The second of them has been Cranmer, Vol. IV. p. 369, n. d.] 3]
[attributed wholly to the pen of Cranmer by Mr]
᾿ς ΤῸ the first point, we verily believe, that as bruits, rumours, and reports that your lordships intended the destruction of the lord protector, induced his grace to fly to the defence which he hath assembled, excuse your lordships, [who,] hearing that his grace intended the like destruction towards you, have been moved to do as you have done; so as for lack of understanding one of another’s right meaning things be grown to such extremities, as if the saving of the king’s majesty person and the common weal take not more place in his grace and your lordships than private respect or affairs, you see, we doubt not, as we do, that both our king, our country, and also ourselves shall, as verily as God is God, be utterly destroyed and cast away. Wherefore might it please you, for the tender passion of Jesus Christ, use your wisdom, and temper your determination in such sort, as no blood be shed, nor cruelty used, neither of his grace’s part nor of your lordships’: for, if it come to the point, both you and we are like to see presently with our eyes that which every vein of all our hearts will bleed to behold.
Wherefore, as true subjects to the king’s majesty, as faithful counsellors, though unworthy counsellors, to his majesty and his realm, and as lamentable petitioners, we beseech your lordships most humbly, and from the bottom of our hearts, to take pity of the king and the realm, whereof you be principal members, and to set apart summum jus, and to use at this time tum bonum et equum: and think not that this is written for any private fear or other respect of ourselves, but for that undoubtedly we hear and know more of this point, with your favours, than you there do know: yea, and howsoever it shall please you to account of us, we are true men to God, to the king, to the realm, and so will we live and die wheresoever we be; and in respect of them three esteem little any other person or thing, no, not our own lives: and having clear consciences, as to whatsoever ill may follow upon the use of extremity there, that neither now is nor shall be found fault in us; and so quieting ourselves we rest.
Now to that you would have the lord protector to do for his part, his grace and we have communed herein; and much to our comforts, and yours also, if it shall like you to weigh the case: who is contented, if you will again for your parts use equity, to put that now in execution which many times he hath declared by his words; that is to say, so as the king and the realm may be otherwise well served, he passeth little for the place he now hath. Mary, he doth consider, that by the king’s majesty, with all your advices and the consents of the nobles of the realm, he was called to the place, (as appeareth in writing under his majesty’s great seal and sign; whereunto your own hands also, and ours, with all others the lords of the upper house in the parliament are subscribed;) and therefore in violent sort to be thus thrust out against his will, he thinketh it no treasonable. He is here with the king’s person, where his place is to be; and we be here with him, we trust in God, for the good service of the king, the weal of the realm, and the good acquitting both of his grace and of your lordships; which we most heartily desire, and see such hope here thereof, as, if you be not too sore bent upon the extremities, as 1s reported, and as equity can take no place, my lord’s grace may live in quiet, and the king’s majesty’s affairs maintained in such order as by his majesty’s counsellors shall be thought convenient.
Mary, to put himself simply into your hands, having heard as both we and he have, without first knowledge upon what conditions, it is not reasonable. Life is sweet, my lords, and they say you seek his blood and his death: which if you do, and may have him otherwise conformable to reason, and by extremity drive him to seek extremity again, the blood of him and others that shall die on both sides innocently, shall be by God justly required at your hands. And when peradventure you would have him again, upon occasion of service, you shall forthink to have lost him. Wherefore, good my lords, we beseech you again and again, if you have conceived any such determination, to put it out of your heads, and incline your hearts to kindness and humanity; remembering that he hath never been cruel to any of you, and why should you be cruel to him? as we trust you be not, whatsoever hath been said, but will shew yourselves as conformable for your parts, as his grace is contented, for the zeal he beareth to the king and the realm, to be for his part, as this bearer, sir Phillip Hobie, will declare unto you; to whom we pray you to give credit, and to return him hither again with answer hereof. And thus, beseeching the living God to direct your hearts to the
making of a quiet end of these terrible tumults, we bid your lordships most heartily well to fare. From the king’s majesty’s castle of Windsor, the eight of October, 1549. “It may like your good lordships, with our most hearty commendations, to understand, that this morning sir Phillip Hobbey hath, according to the charge given to him by your lordships, presented your letters to the king’s majesty, in the presence of us and all the rest of his majesty’s good servants here; which was there read openly, and also Let. the others to them of the chamber and of the household, much to their comforts, and ἃ, ours also; and according to the tenours of the same, we will not fail to endeavour d ourselves accordingly. — Now touching the marvel of your lordships, both of that we would suffer the duke of Somerset’s men to guard the king’s majesty’s person, and also of our often repeating the word cruel. although we doubt not but that your lordships hath been thoroughly informed of our estates here, and upon what occasion the one hath been suffered, and the other proceeded; yet at our convening together (which may be when and where please you) we will, and are able to make your lordships such an account, as wherewith we doubt not you will be satisfied, if you think good to require it of us. And for because this bearer, Mr Hobbey, can particularly inform your lordships of the whole discourse of all things here, we remit the report of all other things to him; saving that we desire to be advertised, with as much speed as you shall think good, whether the king’s majesty shall come forthwith thither, or remain still here, and that some of your lordships would take pain to come hither forthwith. For the which purpose, I the comptroller will cause three of the best chambers in the great court to be hanged and made ready. Thus, thanking God that all things be so well acquieted, we commit your lordships to his tuition. From Windsor, the xth of October, 1549.
Your lordship’s assured loving friends, T. Car. WiLLiaM Pace.
Smita
To our very good lords and others of the king’s
majesty’s privy council at London. XXXVII. The kings Order, and the Mandate of the Archbishop of Canterbury,
Jor bringing in Popish Rituals
Tromas, permissione divina Cantuariensis archiepiscopus, totius Anglie primas et ^ metropolitanus, per illustrissimum et invictissimum in Christo principem et dominum p, nostrum, dominum Edvardum Sextum, Dei gratia Angli», Francie, Hiberni: regem, &cad infrascripta sufficienter et legitime fulcitus, dilecto filio archidiacono nostro Cantua-riensi, seu ejus official, salutem, gratiam, et benedictionem. — Literas missivas dicti metuendissimi domini nostri regis signatas, et nominibus honorabilium virorum dominorum consiliariorum suorum in calce earundem subscriptas, signeto suo obsignatas, nobis inscriptas et datas, nuper cum honore et reverentia debitis accepimus, tenorem subsequentem complectentes’: Hit. By the king. Right reverend father in God, right trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well And whereas the book entitled, “The Book of Common Prayers and admiI nistration of the Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church, after the use of the Church of England,” was agreed upon and set forth by act of parliament; and by the same act commanded to be used of all persons within this our realm; yet nevertheless we are informed, that divers unquiet and evil-disposed persons, sithence the apprehension of the duke of Somerset, have noised and bruited abroad that they should have again their old Latin service, their conjured bread and water, with such like vain and superstitious ceremonies, as though the setting forth of the said book had been the
[[! Vid, Strype’s Eccl Mem. Vol. II. pp. 329—334. Ed. Oxon. 1822.]. [2 Superfluous ceremonies. Burnet.: east: 7]
only act of the said duke: we therefore, by the advice of the body and state of our privy council, not only considering the said book to be our own act, and the act of the whole state of our realm assembled together in parliament, but also the same to be grounded upon holy scripture, agreeable to the order of the primitive church and much to the re-edifying of our subjects, to put away all such vain expectation of having the public service, the administration of the sacraments, and other rites and ceremonies again in the Latin tongue; which were but a preferment of ignorance to knowledge, and darkness to light, and a preparation to bring in papistry and superstition again; have thought good, by the advice of the aforesaid, to require and nevertheless straitly to charge and command you, that, immediately upon the sight hereof^, you do command the dean and prebendaries of the cathedral church, the parson, vicar, or curate, and churchwardens of every parish within your diocese, to bring and deliver unto you or your deputy, any of them for their church and parish, at such convenient place as you shall appoint, all antiphoners, missals, grayles, processionals, manuals, legends, pies, portases, journals, and ordinals, after the use of Sarum, Lincoln, York, or any other private use; and all other books of service, the keeping whereof should be a let to the usage of ihe said book of Common Prayers; and that you take the same books into your hands, or into the hands of your deputy, and them so deface and abolish, that they never after may serve either to any such use as they were provided for, or be at any time a let to that godly and uniform order which by a common consent is now set forth: and if you shall find any persons stubborn or disobedient, in not bringing in the said books, according. to the tenour of these our letters, that then ye commit the said person to ward, unto such time as you have certified us of his misbehaviour. And we will and command you, that you also search, or cause search to be made, from time to time, whether any book be withdrawn or hid, contrary to the tenour of these our letters; and the same book to receive into your hands, and to use as’ in these our letters we have appointed.
And furthermore, whereas it is come to our knowledge, that divers froward and obstinate persons do refuse to pay towards the finding of bread and wine for the holy communion, according to the order prescribed by the said book, by reason whereof the holy communion is many times omitted upon the Sunday; these are to will and command you to convent such obstinate persons before you, and them to admonish and command to keep the order prescribed in the said book; and if any shall refuse so to do, to punish them by suspension, excommunication, or other censures of the church. Fail you not thus to do, as you will avoid our displeasure. Given under our signet, at our palace of Westminster, the 25th of December, the third year of our reign. By the king. In-scriptio hzc est: To the most reverend father in God, our right trusty and well-beloved counsellor, the archbishop of Canterbury. In calce hac nomina habentur, Thomas Cantuarien’, R. Ryche, Canc’, Wm. Seint John, J. Russell, H. Dorsett, W. Northampton. Nos vero affectantes ex animo domini nostri regis literis et mandatis obtemperare, volentesque pro nostro erga regiam celsitudinem officio in demandatis negotiis omnem nostram curam et solertem adhibere diligentiam, vobis pro parte su: majestatis districte precipiendo mandamus harum serie, quatenus receptis presentibus, cum omni qua poteritis celeritate et diligentia maturis, dilectos filios nostros decanum, canonicos, et prebendarios ecclesi;e Christi Cantuarien’, necnon rectores, vicarios, curatos, plebanos, ac syndicos et iconicos’ quarumcunque ecclesiarum parochialium nostre diceceseos Can-turien’ moneatis, hortemini, et precipiendo mandetis, quatenus ipsi et eorum quilibet vel singuli omnes et singulos libros in eisdem literis regiis specifice nominatos nobis, aut nostro in hac parte commissario vel deputato infra palatium nostrum Cantuarien’, infra novem dies monitionem et intimationem vestras eis fiendas proxime sequentes, realiter afferant, adducant, et penes nos vel nostrum deputatum hujuscemodi relinquant et deponant; ceteraque omnia et singula in dictis literis descripta perimpleant, exequantur, ét sedulo fieri curent, quatenus eos et eorum quemlibet contingunt vel concernunt; sicque vos et vestrum alter sedulo exequatur, sincere perimpleat, et diligenter obediat, que ad vestram in hac parte functionem pro congrua executione literarum predictarum dignos-
[[? The receipt hereof. Burnet.] [^ To useallin. Id.] [^ Forte, ceconomos.” Wilkins.]]
cuntur pertinere, omnibus mora, dilatione, conniventia, et fuco penitus remotis, prout eidem domino nostro regi sub tui et deputati tui periculo incumbente obtemperare et respondere velitis, et vult vestrum alter. Et quid in hac parte feceritis, et exequi curaveritis, id totum et omne nobis quam citissime significatum iri non postponatis. Dat in manerio nostro de Lambithe, decimo quarto die mensis Februarii, anno Domini 1549. [1550.] et regni diet invictissimi in Christo principis et domini nostri Edwardi Sexti quarto, et nostra consecrationis decimo septimo.
XXXVIII. 7116 Council’s Letter to Bp. Ridley to take down Altars, and place
Communion Tables in their stead
Acts Rica reverend father in God, right trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well.
lide 1. spy
p. 727. And where it is come to our knowledge that, being the altars within the more part of the churches of this realm already upon good and godly considerations taken down, Vol there doth yet remain altars standing in divers others churches, by occasion whereof much ies. variance and contention ariseth among sundry of our subjects, which, if good foresight were not had, might perchance engender great hurt and inconvenience; we let you wit, that minding to have all occasion of contention taken away, which many times groweth by those and such like diversities, and considering that, amongst other things belonging to our royal office and cure’, we do account the greatest to be, to maintain the common quiet of our realm; we have thought good by the advice of our council to require you, and nevertheless specially to charge and command you, for the avoiding of all matters of further contention and strife about the standing or taking away of the said altars, to give substantial order throughout all your diocese, that with all diligence all the altars in every church or chapel, as well in places exempted, as not exempted, within your said diocese, be taken down, and in the stead of them a table to be set up in some convenient part of the chancel, within every such church or chapel, to serve for the ministration of the blessed communion. And to the intent the same may be done without the offence of such our loving subjects as be not yet so well persuaded in that behalf as we would? wish, we send unto you herewith certain considerations? gathered and collected, that make for the purpose; the which, and such other as you shall think meet to be set forth to persuade the weak to embrace our proceedings in this part, we pray you cause to be declared to the people by some discreet preachers, in such places as you shall think meet, before the taking down of the said altars; so as both the weak consciences of others may be instructed and satisfied as much as may be, and this our pleasure the more quietly executed. For the better doing whereof, we require you to open the foresaid considerations in that our cathedral church in your own person, if you conveniently may, or otherwise by your chancellor, or some other grave^ preacher, both there and in such other market towns and most notable places of your diocese, as you may think most requisite.:
Given under our signet, at our place of Westminster, the 24th
day of November, the fourth year of our reign
E. Somerset, Thomas Cant., W. Wiltsher, Jhon Warwike, J. Bedford, W. Northe, E. Clinton, H. Wentworth, T. Ely. XXXIX. Reasons why the Lord’s Board should rather be after the form of a Table
than of an Altar. The first reason
Acts First, the form of a table shall more move the simple from the superstitious opinions of the Popish mass unto the right use of the Lord’s Supper. For the use of an altar is to
[ Whereas it is come. Heylyn and Wilkins.) [5 Care. Heylyn and Wilkins.]
[? Realm, upon good. Heylyn and Wilkins.] [7 Vid. No. XXXIX. infra.]
[2 Of the realm. Wilkins.] [5 Could. Id.]
[[ All occasions. Heylyn.] [? Or other grave. Heylyn and Wilkins.]]
make sacrifice upon it: the use of a table is to serve for men to eat upon. Now when we Considera-come unto the Lord’s board, what do we come for? To sacrifice Christ again, and to Yoasonis why crucify him again; or to feed upon him that was once only crucified and offered up for us? were more If we come to feed upon him, spiritually to eat his body, and spiritually to drink his in the church blood, which is the true use of the Lord’s Supper; then no man can deny but the form of altar. a table is more meet for the Lord’s board than the form of an altar.
The second reason
Jtem, whereas it is said the Book of Common Prayer maketh mention of an altar; The second wherefore it is not lawful to abolish that which that book alloweth; to this it is thus Frnt to answered: The Book of Common Prayer calleth the thing whereupon the Lord’s Supper fon which is ministered indifferently a table, an altar, or the Lord’s board, without prescription of Jake nad of any form thereof, either of a table or of an altar: so that whether the Lord’s board have he aam the form of an altar, or of a table, the book of Common Prayer calleth it both an altar and 9- a table. For, as it calleth it an altar, whereupon the Lord’s Supper is ministered, a table, and the Lord’s board; so it calleth the table where the holy Communion is distributed, The tablehow with lauds and thanksgiving unto the Lord, an altar; for that there is offered the same called an. sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving. And thus it appeareth that here is nothing either a ro. said or meant contrary to the book of Common Prayer.
The third reason
Thirdly, the Popish opinion of mass was, that it might not be celebrated but upon The third an altar, or at the least upon a super-altar, to supply the fault of the altar, which must This reason, have had his prints and characters; or else it was thought that the thing was not lawfully hil done. But this superstitious opinion is more holden in the minds of the simple and igno- Spinion rant by the form of an altar than of a table: wherefore it is more meet, for the abolish- a: weil far ment of this superstitious opinion, to have the Lord’s board after the form of a table than pe CU of an altar. besides altars, The fourth reason.
Fourthly, the form of an altar was ordained for the sacrifices of the law, and therefore The fourth the altar in Greek is called θυσιαστήριον, quasi sacrificii locus. But now both the law Barf and the sacrifices thereof do cease: wherefore the form of the altar used in the law ought iri: er hon to cease withal. tn
The fifth reason
Fifthly, Christ did institute the sacrament of his body and blood at his last supper at The ann a table, and not at an altar, as it appeareth manifestly by the three Evangelists. And gnyoused Saint Paul calleth the coming to the holy Communion the coming unto the Lord’s Supper. fable and not And also it is not read, that any of the Apostles or the primitive Church did ever use any The shar altar in ministration of the holy Communion. among the Wherefore, seeing the form of a table is more agreeable with Christ’s institution, and ii with the usage of the Apostles and of the primitive Church, than the form of an altar, therefore the form of a table is rather to be used than the form of an altar in the administration of the holy Communion.
The sixth reason
Finally, it is said in the preface of the Book of Common Prayer, that if any doubt do The sixth arise in the use and practising of the same book; to appease all such diversity, the matter shall be referred unto the Bishop of the diocese, who by his discretion shall take order for the quieting and appeasing of the same, so that the same order be not contrary unto anything contained in that book.
XL. Letter from the Council to the Princess Mary. Acts AFTER our due commendations to your grace. By your letters to us, as an answer to Me, OUTS, touching certain process against two of your chaplains, for saying mass against the law and statute of the realm, we perceive both the offence of your chaplains is otherwise excused than the matter may bear, and also our good wills otherwise misconstrued than we looked for. And for the first part, where your greatest reason for to excuse the offence of a law is a promise made to the emperor’s majesty; whereof you write, that first some of us be witnesses, next that the ambassador for the emperor declared the same unto you, and lastly, that the same promise was affirmed to you before the king’s majesty at your last being with him: we have thought convenient to repeat the matter from the beginning, as it hath hitherto proceeded; whereupon it shall appear how evidently your chaplains hath offended the law, and you also mistaken the promise. The promise is but one in itself, but by times thrice (as you say) repeated. Of which times, the first is chiefly to be considered; for upon that do the other two depend. It is very true the emperor made request to the king’s majesty, that you might have liberty to use the mass in your house, and to be as it were exempted from the danger of the statute. To which request divers good reasons were made, containing the discommodities that should follow the grant thereof, and means devised, rather to persuade you to obey and receive the general and godly reformation of the whole realm, than by a private fancy to prejudice a common order. But yet, upon earnest desire and entreaty made in the emperor’s name, thus much was granted, that for his sake and your own also it should be suffered and winked at, if you had the private mass used in your own closet for a season, until you might be better informed, (whereof was some hope,) having only with you a few of your own chamber, so that for all the rest of your household the service of the realm should be used, and none other; further than this the promise exceeded not. And truly such a matter it then seemed to some of us, as indeed it was, that well might the emperor have required of the king’s majesty a matter of more profit, but of more weight or difficulty to be granted his majesty could not. After this grant in words, there was by the ambassador now dead oftentimes desired some writing, as a testimony of the same. But that was ever denied, not because we meant to break the promise, as it was made, but because there was a daily hope of your reformation.
Now to the second time, you say the emperor’s ambassador’s declaration made mention of a promise to you. It might well so be, but we think no otherwise than as it appeareth before written. If it were, his fault it was to declare more than he heard; ours it may not be, that deny not what we have said. As for the last time, when you were with the king’s majesty, the same some of us (whom by these words your letter noteth) do well remember, that no other thing was granted to you in this matter, but as the first promise was made to the emperor: at which time you had too many arguments made to approve the proceedings of the king’s majesty, and to condemn the abuse of the mass, to think that where the private mass was judged ungodly, there you should have authority and ground to use it. About the same time the ambassador made means to have some testimony of the promise under the great seal; and, that not heard, to have it but by a letter; and that also was not only denied, but divers good reasons [alleged,] that he should think it denied with reason, and so to be contented with an answer. It was told him, in reducing that which was commonly ealled the mass to the order of the primitive church and the institution of Christ, the king’s majesty and his whole realm had their consciences well quieted; against the which if any thing should be willingly committed, the same should be taken as an offence to God, and a very sin against a truth known. Wherefore to license by open act such a deed, in the conscience of the king’s majesty and his realm were even a sin against God. The most that might herein be borne was, that the king’s majesty might, upon hope of your graces reconciliation, suspend the execution of his law, so that you would use the licence as it was first granted.
[[ «This excellent letter, which I suppose was being in the style of a churchman, seems to have]
[drawn by the pen of Abp. Cranmer, is extant in been penned either by Cranmer or Ridley.” Bur-]
[Foxe.” Strype’s Eccl. Mem. Vol. II. p. 450. Ed. net’s Hist. of Reformat. Vol. II. p. 357. Vid.]
[Oxon. 1822, The council writ a long letter, which, Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, ubi supra.]]
Whatsoever the ambassador hath said to others, he had no other manner grant from us; nor, having it thus granted, could allege any reason against it. And where in your letter your grace noteth us as breakers of the promise made to the emperor, it shall appear who hath broken the promise; whether we that have suffered more than we licensed, or you that have transgressed that was granted. Now therefore we pray your grace confer the doing of your chaplains with every point of the premises; and if the same cannot be excused, then think also how long the law hath been spared. If it prick our consciences somewhat, that so much should be used as by the promise you may claim, how much more should it grieve us to license more than you can claim? And yet could we be content to bear great burden to satisfy your grace, if the burden pressed not our consciences: whereof we must say as the apostle said, Gloriatio nostra est h«c, testimonium conscientig mostra.
For the other part of your grace’s letter, by the which we see you misconstrue our good wills in writing to you; howsoever the law had proceeded against your chaplains, our order in sending to you was to be liked, and therein truly had we special regard of your grace’s degree and estate. And because the law of itself respecteth not persons, we thought to give respect to you, first signifying to you what the law required, before it should be executed; that, being warned, your grace might either think no strangeness in the execution, or for an example of obedience cause it to be executed yourself. Others we see perplexed with suddenness of matters; your grace we would not have unwarned, to think any thing done on a sudden. Truly we thought it more commendable for your grace to help the execution of a law, than to help the offence of one condemned by law. And in giving you knowledge what the king’s laws required, we looked for help in the execution by you, the king’s majesty’s sister. The greater personage your grace is, the nigher to the king, so much more ought your example to further the laws. For which cause it hath been called a good commonwealth, where the people obeyed the higher estates, and they obeyed the laws. As nature hath joined your grace to the king’s majesty to love him most entirely, so hath reason and law subdued you to obey him willingly. The one and the other we doubt not but your grace remembereth: and as they both be joined together in you, his majesty’s sister, so we trust you will not sever them; for indeed your grace cannot love him as your brother, but you must obey his majesty as his subject, Example of your obedience and reverence of his majesty’s laws is instead of a good preacher to a great number of his majesty’s subjects; who, if they may see in you negligence of his majesty or his lawswill not fail but follow on hardly, and then their fault is not their own but yours, by example; and so may the king’s majesty, when he shall come to further judgment, impute the fault of divers evil people (which thing God forbid!) to the sufferance of your grace’s doings..And therefore we most earnestly from the depth of our hearts desire it, that as nature hath set your grace nigh his majesty by blood, so your love and zeal to his majesty will further his estate by obedience.
In the end of your letter two things be touched which we cannot pretermit: the one is, you seem to charge us with permission of men to break laws and statutes. We think indeed it is too true, that laws and proclamations be broken daily, (the more pity it is;) but that we permit them, we would be sorry to have it so proved. The other is, that we have suffered bruits to be spoken of you; and that also must be answered as the other. It is pity to see men so evil, as whom they may touch with tales and infamies they care not, so they miss not the best. Such is the boldness of people, that neither we can fully bridle them to raise tales of you, nor of ourselves. And yet whensoever any certain person may be gotten, to be charged with any such, we never leave them unpunished. Indeed the best way is, both for your grace, and also us, that when we cannot find and punish the offender, let us say as he said that was evil spoken of: “Yet will I so live, as no credit shall be given to my back-biters.” Certainly, if we had credited any evil tale of your grace, we would friendly have admonished you thereof, and so also proceeded, as either the tale-tellers should have been punished, or else to have proved their tales. And therefore we pray- your grace to think no unkindness in us, that any evil bruits have been spread by evil men; but think rather well of us, that howsoever they were spread, we believed them not.:
Hitherto your grace seeth we have written somewhat at length of the promise made to you, and our meanings in our former writings. And now for the latter part of our letter, we will, as briefly as we can, remember to you two special matters; whereof the one might suffice to reform your proceedings, and both together, well considered, we trust shall do your grace much good. The one is, the truth of that you be desired to follow; the other is, the commodity that thereby shall ensue. They both make a just commandment; and because of the first the latter followeth, that shall be first entreated. We hear say, your grace refuseth to hear any thing reasoned contrary to your old determination; wherein you make your opinion suspicious, as that you are afraid to be dissuaded. If your faith in things be of God, it may abide any storm or weather; if it be but of sand, you do best to eschew the weather. That which we profess hath the foundation in scriptures, upon plain texts and no glosses, the confirmation thereof by the use in the primitive church, not in this latter corrupted. And indeed our greatest change is not in the substance of our faith, no, not in any one article of our creed. Only the difference is, that we use the ceremonies, observations, and sacraments of our religion, as the apostles and first fathers in the primitive church did: you use the same that corruption of time brought in, and very barbary and ignorance nourished, and seem to be bold for custom against truth, and we for truth against custom. Your grace in one or two places of your letter seemeth to speak earnestly in the maintenance of your faith; and therein, so that your faith be according to the scriptures, we must have the like opinion. The saying is very good, if the faith be sound. But if every opinion your grace hath (we cannot tell how) conceived, shall be your faith, you may be much better instructed. St Paul teacheth you, that faith is by the word of God. And it was a true saying of him that said, Non qui cuivis credit, fidelis est, sed qui Deo. For where hath your grace ground for such a faith, to think common prayer in the English church should not be in English; that images of God should be set up in the church; or that the sacrament of Christ’s body and blood should be offered by the priests for the dead; yea, or that it should be otherwise used than by the scripture it was instituted? Though you have no scripture to maintain them, we have evident scriptures to forbid them. And although fault may be found, that of late baptism hath been used in your grace’s house, contrary to law, and utterly without licence; yet is it the worse, that, contrary to the primitive church, it hath been in a tongue unknown, by the which the best part of the sacrament is unused, and as it were a blind bargain made by the godfathers in a matter of illumination: and thus in the rest of the things in which your grace differeth from the common order of the realm, where have you ground or reason, but some custom, which oftentimes is mother of many errors? And although in civil things she may be followed, where she causeth quiet, yet not in religious, where she excuseth no error; as in Leviticus it is said, “Ye shall not do after the custom of Egypt, wherein ye dwelled, nor after the custom of Canaan; no, you shall not walk in their laws, for I am your Lord God; keep you my laws and commandments.” The points wherein your grace differeth in your faith, as you call it, may be shewed where, when, how, and by whom they began since the gospel was preached, the church was planted, and the apostles martyred: at which time your faith depended upon the scripture, and otherwise there was no necessity to believe. For, as Hierome saith: Quod de scripturis non habet auctoritatem, eadem. facilitate contemnitur qua probatur!. And because your grace, as we hear say, readeth sometimes the doctors, we may allege unto you two or three places of other principal doctors. Augustine saith: Cum Dominus tacuerit, quis nostrum dicat, Illa vel illa sunt; aut si dicere audeat, unde probat? And Chryso-stom’s saying is not unlike: Multi, inquit, jactant Spiritum Sanctum; sed qui propria loquuntur, falso illum pretendunt?. And if you will have their meaning plain, read the fifth chapter of the first book of Ecclesiastica Historia; and where Constantine had these words in the council: In disputationibus, inquit, rerum diinarum habetur prescripta Spiritus Sancti doctrina; evangelici et apostolici libri cum prophetarum. oraculis plene nobis ostendunt sensum. numinis: proinde, discordia posita, sumamus ex verbis Spiritus questionum explicationes. What plainer sayings may be than these to answer
Vid. 28, 3.] Vid. 26, 1.]
your fault? Again, too infinite it were to remember your grace of the great number of particular errors crept into the church, whereupon you make your foundation. The fables of false miracles and lewd pilgrimages may somewhat teach you. Only this we pray your grace to remember with yourself, the two words that the Father said of his Son Jesus Christ, Ipsum audite.
To the second point, of the commodity that may follow your obedience, we, having by the king’s authority in this behalf the governance of this realm, must herein be plain with your grace. And if our speech offend the same, then must your grace think it is our charge and office to find fault where it is, and our duty to amend it as we may. Most sorry truly we be, that your grace, whom we should otherwise honour for the king’s majesty’s sake, by your own deeds should provoke us to offend you: we do perceive great discommodity to the realm by your grace’s singularity (if it may be so named) in opinion; and in one respect, as you are sister to our sovereign lord and master, we most humbly beseech your grace to shew your affection continually towards him, as becometh a sister. And as your grace is a subject, and we counsellors to his majesty’s estate, we let you know, the example of your grace’s opinion hindereth the good weal of this realm: which thing we think is not unknown unto you; and if it be, we let your grace know it is too true. For God’s sake, we beseech your grace, let nature set before your eyes the young age of the king your brother. Let reason tell you the looseness of the people: how then can you without a wailing heart think that you should be the cause of disturbance? If your grace see the king, being the ordinary ruler under God, not only of all others in the realm, but of you also, call his people by ordinary laws one way, with what heart can your grace stay yourself without following; much worse, to stay other that would follow their sovereign lord? Can it be a love in you to forsake him, his rule, and law, and take a private way by yourself? If it be not love, it is much less obedience. If your grace think theking’s majesty to be over his people, as the head in a man’s body is over the rest, not only in place but in dignity and science; how can you, being a principal member in the same body, keep the nourishment from the bead? We pray your grace most earnestly, think this thing so much grieveth us, as for our private affection and good wills to you though we should dissemble, yet for our public office we cannot but plainly inform your grace, not doubting but that your wisdom can judge what your office is; and if it were not your own cause, we know your grace by wisdom could charge us, if we suffered the like in any other. Truly every one of us apart honoureth your grace for our masters sake; but when we join together in publie service, as in this writing we do, we judge it not tolerable, to know disorder, to see the cause, and leave it unamended. For though we would be negligent, the world would judge us. And therefore we do altogether eftsoons require your grace, in the king’s majesty’s name, that if any of your two chaplains, Mallet or Barkley, be returned, or as soon as any of them shall return to your grace’s house, the same may be, by your grace’s commandment or order, sent or delivered to the sheriff of Essex, who hath commandment from the king’s majesty, by order of the law and of his crown, to attach them; or if that condition shall not like your grace, yet that then he may be warned from your grace’s house, and not kept there, to be as it were defended from the power of the law. Which thing we think surely neither your grace will mean, nor any of your counsel assent thereto.
And so to make an end of our letter, being long for the matter, and hitherto deferred for our great business, we trust your grace first seeth how the usage of your chaplains differeth from the manner of our licence, and what good intent moved us to write unto you in our former letters; lastly, that the things whereunto the king and the whole realm hath consented, be not only lawful and just by the policy of the realm, but also just and godly by the laws of God: so that if we, which have charge under the king, should willingly consent to the open breach of them, we could neither discharge ourselves to the king for our duties, neither to God for our conscience. The consideration of which things we pray Almighty God by his holy Spirit to lay in the bottom of your heart, and thereupon to build such a profession in you, as both God may have his true honour, the king his due obedience, the realm concord, FCerANMER. τ 34
and we most comfort: For all the which we do heartily pray, and therewith, for the continuance of your grace’s health to your heart’s desire. From Westminster, the xxv. of December. [1550.7]
Most reverend father in God, right trusty and right well-beloved counsellor, we greet you well. And whereas it is come to our knowledge that there be divers lewd and seditious persons in certain parts of our realm, that practise and devise the means to stir up unlawful assemblies and commotions, to the trouble and unquiet of us and our loving subjects; forasmuch as we intend to meet with the said practisers in time, we have thought good, among other things that we have set forth for the purpose, to address unto you, as we have done the like to all other prelates of our realm, the books of an act of parliament made and established in the third year of our reign, for the containing of our subjects in quiet and good order, and the suppression of the rebellion, if at any time any should happen to be practised or begun within our realm. Wherefore we require, and straitly charge and command you, to give substantial order throughout all your diocese, that within every parish church within the same the said act may be openly and distinctly read by the parson or curate to the parochians every Sunday, or second Sunday at the least, at such time in the morning as the assembly of the said parochians is most frequent; to the end they may be from time to time admonished of their duties, and of the peril that shall ensue to them that shall devise or attempt any thing contrary to the said act. And like as we in this perilous time have thought it necessary, for the preservation of the common quiet of our realm, to address to you and the rest of our prelates these our letters with our said act; so our special trust is, that you for your part will see the same effectually done and executed throughout your diocese, so duly and with such regard and care as the importance of the case requireth: whereof fail you not, as you tender our pleasure, and will avoid our indignation. Yeven under our signet at our manor of Grenewhyche, the sixth of May, in the fifth year of our reign.
In calce hac. nomina habentur: E. Somersett, Τὺ, Ryche, Canc’, W. Wilteshire, J. Warwick, J. Bedford, E. Clinton. Inscriptio talis est: To the most reverend father in God, our right trusty and right well-beloved counsellor, the archbishop of Canterbury. Nos vero affectantes ex animo ejusdem domini nostr regis literis et mandatis obtemperare, volentesque pro nostro erga suam regiam celsitudinem officio in demandatis nobis negotiis omnem nostram curam et solertem adhibere diligentiam, vobis pro parte sux regie majestatis districte precipiendo mandamus harum serie quatenus receptis presentibus, cum omni qua poteritis celeritate et diligentia maturis, dilectos filios nos- íros rectores, vicarios, et curatos quarumcunque ecclesiarum parochialium nostra dioeceseos Cantuariensis moneatis, et precipiendo mandetis, quatenus ipsi et eorum quilibet vel singuli actum sive statutum parliamenti in eisdem literis regiis specificatum, cujus unum exemplar typis excusum vobis una cum przsentibus per latorem presentis nostri mandati transmittimus, singulis diebus dominicis, vel saltem qualibet secunda die dominica, in ecclesia sua parochiali coram parochianis ejusdem, mane quum et quando parochiani cujuslibet parochis? ad divina audienda in ecclesia sua frequentes adfuerint, publice, distincta, aperta, ac alta et intelligibili voce perlegant, ac cetera omnia et singula in dictis literis regiis descripta perimpleant, exequantur, et sedulo fieri curent, omnibus mora, dilatione, et fuco penitus remotis, prout eidem domino nostro regi sub
vestro incumbente periculo obtemperare et respondere velitis, et vnlt vestrum alter. Et quid in pramissis feceritis, et exequi curaveritis, id totum et omne nobis quam citissime significatum iri non postponatis. Dat in manerio nostro de Lambehith, nono die mensis Maii, anno Domini 1551, regnique ejusdem felicissimi domini nostri regis anno quinto, et nostre consecrationis decimo nono. XLIL Letter from Edward VI. to the Bishops, on occasion of the Sweating Sickness’.
Edward?
By the King.
Ricur reverend father in God, right trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. And being not a little disquieted to see the subjects of our realm vexed with this extreme and sudden plague, that daily increaseth over all, we cannot but lament the people’s wickedness, through the which the wrath of God hath been thus marvellously provoked. For the more we study how to instruct them in the knowledge of God and of his most holy word, that consequently they might follow and observe his laws and precepts, so much the more busy is the wicked spirit to alienate their hearts from all godliness; and his malice hath so much prevailed, that because the people are become as it were open rebels against the divine majesty, God after one plague hath sent another and another, increasing it so from one to one, till at length, seeing none other remedy, he hath thrown forth this extreme plague of sudden death. And because there is no other way to pacify his fury, and to recover his grace and mercy, but by prayer and amendment of life; considering the cure and charge committed unto you, we have thought good to call upon you to use all diligence possible throughout your whole diocese, as well by yourself as by good ministers, to persuade the people to resort more diligently to common prayer than they have done, and there not only to pray with all their hearts, in the fear of God, as good and faithful men should do, but also to have a better regard unto their livings, and specially to refrain their greedy appetites from that insatiable serpent of covetousness, wherewith most men are so infected, that it seemeth each one would devour another without charity or any godly respect to the poor, to their neighbours, or to their common wealth: for the which God hath not only now poured out this plague upon them, but also prepared another plague, that after this life shall plague them everlastingly. Wherein you must use those persuasions that may engender a terror, to reduce them from their corrupt, naughty, and detestable vices. But as the body and members of a dull or sick head cannot be lusty, or apt to do well; so in many cures of this our realm, as well the chief as the particular ministers of the church have been both so dull and so feeble in discharging of their duties, that it is no marvel, though their flocks wander, not knowing the voice of their shepherd, and much less the voice of their principal and sovereign Master. We trust ye are none of those: but if there have been such negligence within your jurisdiction, we exhort and pray you, and nevertheless charge and command you, by the authority given us of God, to see it reformed; increasing also amendment in that that already is well begun, in such sort as your diligence may declare you worthy of your vocation, and the effects thereof yield unto God an obedient, faithful, and fearful flock: which we wish to God we may shortly see. Yeven J under our signet, at our honour of Hampton Court, the 18th of July, the fifth year of our reign.
SoMERSET, WirrEsn
ἃ F. HuNTyNGDON,
Darcy, CoBHAM, Cheyne
1 JoaN GAGE.
[[! “The sweating sickness breaking out this Vol. I. p. 388. Ed. Oxon. 1840. Strype’s Eccl. Mem.]
[year in great violence, (whereby the two sons of the Vol. II. pp.494, 5. Ed. Oxon.1822. Burnet’s Hist.]
[Duke of Suffolk were taken off,) letters from the of Reformat. Vol. II. p. 363. Edward VI’s Journal,]
[Council, dated July 18, were sent to all the bishops, ibid. Vol. II. Part 11. App. 44. Ed. Oxon. 1829.]]
[to persuade the people to prayer, and to see God [? The signature Edward,” is not written, but]
[better served.” Strype’s Mem. of Abp. Cranmer, stamped at the head of this document.] 34—2]
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